Gender and Education for All THE LEAP TO EQUALITY

Chapter 5 - From targets to reform: national strategies in action

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Participation – is civil society involved Reform in education is part of wider reform to promote poverty reduction, better governance and economic growth. The next three sections take a closer look at three strategies and reforms that lie at the heart of many government policies: the engagement and participation of civil society, better management of education through decentralization, and the reduction of private costs, especially for primary education. One of the major strategies agreed at the World Education Forum in 2000 was to ‘ensure the engagement and participation of civil society in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of strategies for educational development’ (UNESCO, 2000f). It echoes the statement made ten years earlier at the World Conference on Education for All at Jomtien, on the importance of partnerships between government organizations, the private sector, local communities, religious bodies and family groups. These commitments are similar in intent to many international statements on governance ‘with’ as opposed to ‘of’ the people. The United Nations Millennium Declaration states that ‘we [national governments] resolve to… work collectively for more inclusive political processes, allowing genuine participation by all citizens in all our countries’ (United Nations, 2000). Translating these international commitments into national and local policy processes requires action well beyond the province of those working in the education sector. As noted in the next section of this chapter, government reforms in support of decentralization may be one way of enabling the stronger engagement and participation of civil society in education. Greater autonomy in the management of schools and local institutions can provide opportunities for citizens to be heard through the development of school plans, the management of budgets, and the recruitment of personnel. However, at the national level, dialogue between the representatives of civil society and central government on education-sector policy and strategies appears to be much more limited and difficult to manage. Why is this so? Partnerships are not possible unless governments provide the space and opportunity for dialogue to take place. In part, it is a function of the heterogeneity of civil society. In Brazil, there are over a quarter of a million organizations in the so-called ‘third sector’, employing more people than the government. The range of interests represented by these bodies is a great strength in responding to a diversity of needs, but it also presents a considerable challenge to the development of common positions and a collective voice around specific education policies. Pressure groups, urban movements, religious associations, national and international NGOs, have their own stance and priorities with many organizations playing more than one role. In addition, most education NGOs are active as service providers8, without the resources to participate in time-consuming policy-related dialogue. Even where there is a clear wish and capacity to be engaged in policy, partnerships are not possible unless governments provide the space and opportunity for dialogue to take place (Schattan et al., 2002). This section examines the extent to which these spaces are being created and used against the background of the Dakar commitments. 8. In India, 63% of education sector organizations see themselves as assisting government, a similar percentage make direct education interventions, over half describe their work as innovatory and 50% as working in geographical areas neglected by government (Nawani, 2002).

National EFA forums: gauging their impact The World Education Forum proposed the strengthening or the creation of national EFA forums, as one approach to allow civil society to be part of mainstream EFA policy-related processes. To assist this initiative, UNESCO (2001) issued detailed guidelines on how to develop a national consultative and co-ordination body that would bring together a broad range of representatives with a vital stake in basic education. The Forum was conceived both as a vehicle for dialogue and for the co-ordination of planning and monitoring progress towards national EFA goals. It is difficult to gauge the extent to which national EFA forums are operational as there is no international database available. The Collective Consultation of NGOs Forum in Porto Alegre (Brazil) in 2003 concluded that national EFA forums and consultations were not well established (CCNGO, 2003). Some recent small-scale regional studies offer some insights into particular national processes. A survey by the Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education (Razon, 2003) looks at Bangladesh, Fiji, Nepal and Samoa and suggests that EFA forums serve primarily as a means of sharing information. It is in separate technical committees where civil society organizations (CSOs) can have some influence. This appears to have been true in Bangladesh, through the work of the Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE), and on the issue of ‘second chance’ education in Samoa, through the Education Advocacy Alliance – a small coalition of NGOs. Conclusions on the limitations of current practice are given in Box 5.5, which also highlights a problem for governments – the extent to which they are knowledgeable about who within civil society is active and experienced in the field of education and able to bring something to the policy table. A judgement cannot yet be made as to whether EFA forums will be an influential force, and evaluative work on this matter is strongly needed.

Civil society at work Despite the many constraints that limit purposeful dialogue across and between government, civil society and individual citizens, there is a growing body of knowledge suggesting that partnerships for EFA can work. This proposition is explored below through a small set of examples. Dialogue and consultation In Guatemala, the peace treaty signed in December 1995 brought to an end thirty-six years of bitter conflict. The Peace Accords generated a widespread desire for a more inclusive society that would involve civil society in policy-making (Pérez Obregón, 2003). Working in the context of the Accord on the Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was designed to promote a multicultural, multilingual and multi-ethnic nation, a three-year process of dialogue resulted in the establishment of a consultative group on education in 1998. After further talks, two committees were created, one governmental, the other primarily representing indigenous peoples. Bipartite committees held discussions with municipal, departmental and national organizations on a wide range of proposals that contributed to the creation of a Joint Committee on Education Reform with a broad and diverse membership. This in turn led to a consensus on a set of proposals enshrined in the National Education Reform. One positive expression of this process is The National Languages Act (2003), a recent commitment to protect the right of indigenous peoples to speak one or more of twenty-one Mayan languages. However, the implementation of the reform programme more generally is proving problematic and there is a sense of disappointment at the difficulty of translating the Peace Accords into legislation and action. The Committee for Peasant Unity (CUC) protested recently at the failure of government to sustain a participatory process for an education and rural development policy based on the Peace Accords and the National Education Reform. Nevertheless, the process in Guatemala does point to a willingness to find space for dialogue and a consultative process to define reform (Pérez Obregón, 2003). In Viet Nam, the development of the National Education for All Action Plan 2003–2015 (Viet Nam, 2003) involved a process of workshops, fact-finding, research and analysis in all the country’s sixty-one provinces. The aim was to reach consensus on education targets and objectives, and identify action programmes. The Action Plan will be implemented through provincial plans that will involve People’s Committees, the provincial departments of education and the provincial departments of finance. This process drew on a strong tradition of national and central planning, involving mass organizations for women, youth and farmers which are the major social institutions in the country. In contrast, national NGOs (not linked to government) are a new phenomenon. However, over time these organizations are likely to grow in importance as the Vietnamese Government plans to promote the greater participation of citizens in policy matters. Beyond consultation In different ways, both Guatemala and Viet Nam demonstrate an initial step by governments to enable people to be aware of their rights, create discussion forums and propagate an interest in education. However, to move beyond this initial ‘success’ to a more sustained process of co-operation is more difficult. Already, there is a measure of disillusionment in Guatemala at the lack of funding to implement reforms agreed as a result of the consultative process (Pérez Obregón, 2003). A more extended engagement that goes beyond dialogue is found in Brazil (Schattan et al., 2002). Set up during the 1990s, Management Councils that operate from local to federal level have an equal number of representatives of civil society, service providers and the government. The councils take responsibility for policy in health, education, social assistance and provision for children and adolescents. They oversee management of public resources (federal, state and municipal) and of the infrastructure of schools, community and health centres. Created in 1995, Comunidade Solidária is one such management council which develops proposals with a focus on education and training. It has invested in the design of innovative programmes in the areas of literacy education and professional development; involving a range of public and private partners that provide technical capacity and resources. Methods, costs and results are monitored to offer reliable guidelines for programme replication (Cardoso, 2001). Additionally, popular social movements have been successful in working jointly with government. This is explained in Box 5.6, where MOVA-SP has not only worked with government to tackle illiteracy, but also with a literacy programme developed by Comunidade Solidária. Both MOVA-SP and Comunidade Solidária demonstrate a process of advocacy and social movement leading to mutually agreeable partnerships between CSOs and government. Schattan et al. (2002) point out that the institutionalization of participation through these Brazilian councils has been considered in recent literature as a useful mechanism of deliberative democracy (Bohman and Rehg, 1997; Cohen, 1997; Habermans, 1997; Avritzer, 2000) or associative democracy (Cohen and Rogers, 1995; Hirst, 1994). It provides opportunities for purposeful discussion on public policies, leading to the democratization of the decision-making process and the possibility of increased accountability to citizens (Schattan et al., 2002). On the other hand, critics argue that the state may evade responsibilities by transferring some of the tasks to civil society. NGOs are especially vulnerable to this, entering into partnerships focused on rendering services, in which they have little influence over decisions previously taken by the state (Teixeira et al., 2002). These examples point to the potential benefits of developing education policy in a more open and democratic way, involving a range of agencies and partners, encouraging greater levels of commitment among those involved.

Learning by doing As noted above, a particular issue for the numerous NGOs involved in education is how to translate a broad variety of individual objectives into a joint position with well-defined policy proposals. This does not require total agreement among all the groups participating in education reform processes. In fact, a level of compromise is often needed in order to achieve changes. In the Philippines, the government made public its commitment to the outcomes of both the Jomtien and Dakar conferences. Post-Jomtien, this prompted CSOs to establish stronger relationships with government. In the early 1990s, a series of acts, plans and reforms encouraged this9. However, expectations of a ‘Grand Alliance’ did not materialize. The National Council on Education for All (NCEFA) was short-lived and was not convened after 1993. Although government drew on various CSOs to contribute to specific education initiatives, this was not conceived as part of a national partnership. The organizations involved were either accredited by the Department of Education or were deemed credible by the government. At the end of the decade, the EFA 2000 Assessment process was strongly criticized by CSOs for its failure to consult, although ultimately the Philippines EFA Assessment Report (Raya and Mabunga, 2002) stated that the active participation of all stakeholders was critical. The report recommended the revival of the ‘Grand Alliance’ through NCEFA. Thus, a new window of opportunity was opened for the major CSO networks and education-focused NGOs, in part facilitated by the international NGO OXFAM in creating opportunities for dialogue between the Department of Education and CSOs (Raya and Mabunga, 2002). This marked the start of an active period of preparation for the Philippines’ participation by CSOs in the World Education Forum in Dakar. CSOs in the Philippines learnt a number of lessons during the 1990s, especially the importance of forming a broad network to rally around issues of education reform. This was realized in part through the Civil Society Network for Education Reform or E-Net10 and through public consultations. Thus, in February 2000, the College of Community Health, Development and Management (CCHDM) co-ordinated a consultation on EFA with indigenous peoples, teachers, local government units, line agencies, private groups, and NGOs. The results of this activity were then presented at a National Conference on Philippine Education Reform and Human Development: A Civil Society Perspective. Although civil society appears to have learned some lessons regarding networking, building strategic contacts, engaging internationally as well as nationally, developing well-conceived, well-founded demands, and promoting a strong advocacy strategy, it still remains uncertain whether the post-Dakar decade will be characterized by a more inclusive and participatory approach than the 1990s. 9. These actions are the following: enactment of the 1991 Local Government Code; signing of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) by the Philippines Government in 1990; enactment of the law on Child Rights (RA 7610); adoption of a comprehensive programme for children – the Philippine Plan of Action for Children (PPAC); and restructuring of the education bureaucracy (tri-focalization) (Roy and Khan, 2003). 10. E-Net is a mixture of various networks, organizations and individuals involved in education work and advocacy.

The challenge of scale To make its mark, civil society needs to promote policy options that are clearly informed by grassroots experience and rigorous analysis. In India, there are an estimated 100,000 CSOs/NGOs, a major expansion in number since the 1980s (Clarke, 1998). Disillusionment with the public sector is seen by some to be a major factor in this expansion (Nawani, 2002). Most are small and local. Some work closely with government, some independently, while others act as critics of government policy and practice. In Education for All: National Plan of Action; (India, 2003a) the government sets out a mission-driven approach to the achievement of EFA. At individual state level, this requires missions that will involve NGOs, social activists, university teachers, teachers’ union representatives, Panchayati Raj11 representatives and women’s groups in achieving EFA goals. It remains to be seen whether this harnesses the rich experience and capacities of civil society in education policy development and review (Roy and Khan, 2003). One recent example where civil society engaged closely with national policy is set out in Box 5.7. To make its mark, civil society needs to promote policy options that are informed by grass-roots experience and rigorous analysis. One commentator (Kohli, cited in Roy and Khan, 2003) identifies five strategies, each of which requires its own expertise which may not be characteristic of CSOs/NGOs that are primarily service providers: - the development of common positions and perspectives; - the creation of alliances and networks; - a solid base of research and analysis; - communication strategies for different audiences; - free flows of information. Both the Indian and Philippine cases suggest that networks and access to information are key steps in building strong partnerships. Additionally, strong networks provide citizens with opportunities to publicise changes in policy (Kohli, cited in Roy and Khan, 2003). 11. Panchayati Raj is a three-tier system of local government, which became a constitutional part of democracy in India in 1993.

Building capacity A capacity-building programme has been launched by UNESCO in eleven countries of Africa15. It is designed to enhance the professional and institutional capacities of NGO/CSOs. Its focus, defined by the organizations themselves, is on policy, the curriculum, pedagogy, and project and programme development in education (Bah, 2003). The programme is conceived within the framework of the Collective Consultation of NGOs on Education for All (CCNGO/EFA) through a participatory process involving African regional ‘focal points’, the African Network Campaign on Education for All (ANCEFA), and resource persons from both African civil society and African governments. UNESCO, the World Bank, the Rockefeller Foundation and other partners, such as Luxembourg Development Cooperation, support the initiative. As Box 5.8 suggests, the process of identifying and addressing needs (and therefore the process of capacity-building itself), requires context-specific answers. The ability to understand and influence the government requires similar skills in most societies. 15. These are Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, Ethiopia, the Gambia, Guinea, Mali, the Niger, Senegal and the United Republic of Tanzania.

International networking As noted in Chapter 6, over the past two decades there has been a rapid growth in the activities of international NGOs and networks. The Global Campaign for Education and the Global March Against Child Labour are two prominent examples. These organizations are having increasing impact on international policy dialogue and are also contributing to the development of capacity at the national level (Chapter 6). CCNGO/EFA, based at UNESCO, connects approximately 700 NGO/CSOs, two-thirds of which are in developing countries. It operates primarily through regional consultations in order to build strong relations with national CSOs. A strategy of growing importance is to facilitate policy dialogue around specific themes, such as literacy and lifelong learning, and higher education, as this is seen as an effective way of bringing like-minded experts together. Approximately 500 NGOs are involved in this way. The Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) is another well-established network. Its primary goal is to influence policies and practice aimed at attaining gender equality in education and it has had major successes in placing the issue of girls’ education on the agenda of policy-makers in Africa. It operates through national chapters and an example of its work at country level is provided in Box 5.9.

Conclusions This brief survey suggests a heightened level of activity on the part of CSOs in support of policy development, even in countries where there is little tradition of government engaging with civil society. On the other hand, many lack the requisite technical and political skills to influence government. It is also difficult for constructive criticism of government not to undermine productive partnerships. Thus, the extent to which the processes envisaged by the World Education Forum will affect outcomes depends largely on the willingness of governments to be more open to processes of public participation in decision-making.