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Table of contentsPreface Introduction The United Nations and Ethnic
Diversity Multiculturalism and the
Need for New Policy Responses to Diversity
Contemporary
Influences on Patterns of Ethnic Diversity
The Changing Nature of
Multi-ethnic Societies Recurring Policy
Issues in Multi-ethnic Societies The Policy Models of
Multi-ethnic States Multiculturalism in
Practice: Australia, Canada and Sweden
The Broader
Applicability of Multiculturalism as a Policy Response
Conclusion References Notes Box 1 Major Instruments
of the United Nations System on Non-Discrimination, Rights of Minorities
and the Rights of Indigenous People Box 2 Selected Policy
Issues Box 3
Australian Multicultural Policy Initiatives Box 4 Public Opinion on
Multiculturalism in Australia and Canada
PrefaceThe "rediscovery" of ethnicity and
cultural identities created an awareness of the need to cope with the
management of ethnic and cultural diversity through policies which promote
ethnic and cultural minority groups' participation in, and access to the
resources of society, while maintaining the unity of the country. That
diversity characterizes the great majority of the countries in the world,
and that with the end of the cold war and bipolar international order,
identitarian claims of ethnic, religious and cultural varieties are
becoming stronger, are well-known facts. Such developments, which
sometimes lead to conflictual situations and tragedies such as in Bosnia
and Rwanda, seriously challenge the States, which respond to it through
different policies, which range from assimilationism and integrationism,
to differentialism. The latter, not always intentionally conceived,
involves indirect exclusion, implicit in social, economic, cultural and
institutional practices, as well as active exclusion, which may go as far
as apartheid and even genocide (Gamson, 1995). Multiculturalism is a
democratic policy response for coping with cultural and social diversity
in society. The analysis offered here takes an in-depth look at
multiculturalist policies and assesses their advantages and
limitations.
Multiculturalism, as a systematic and comprehensive response to
cultural and ethnic diversity, with educational, linguistic, economic and
social components and specific institutional mechanisms, has been adopted
by a few countries, notably Australia, Canada and Sweden.
Understandably, multiculturalism as a search for democratic public
policy responses to cultural and ethnic diversity in certain countries is
of prime interest to UNESCO, in so far as it embodies the ideal of
reconciling respect for diversity with concerns for societal cohesion and
the promotion of universally shared values and norms. While UNESCO's
Constitution stresses the "fruitful diversity of cultures", its highest
principle is "the intellectual and moral solidarity of mankind". UNESCO's
ideals in this field are well illustrated by the following quotation from
Montesquieu (1949): "Je suis nécessairement homme […] et je ne suis
français que par hasard" (1).
The study of multiculturalism is a core subject for the MOST program.
Several international MOST projects are on topics relating to the
management of multi-ethnic and multicultural societies (2).
The following paper by Christine Inglis examines how specific
multicultural policies have operated and assesses their potential for
coping with diversity. It focuses on three countries - Australia, Canada
and Sweden - where multiculturalism has been in practice for quite some
time. Despite the complexity of the issues, the differences between these
three countries and the very specific cases of the "first nations" or
indigenous populations, their policies are founded on the respect of
individual human rights and a civic and contractual definition of
citizenship, rather than on ethnic and cultural communitarianism. This is
probably a fundamental feature which distinguishes multiculturalism in its
modern guise, from the traditional cases of the more or less conflictual
co-existence of self-centred ethnic and religious communities.
This probably is the fundamental feature which distinguishes democratic
multicultural policies (also minimizing the risk of inter-ethnic
conflicts) from the community-based management of diversity. This type of
policy is less compatible with democracy, and likely to induce
authoritarian and differentialist practices, as well as conflicts between
self-centred communities.
The remarkable analyses of Christine Inglis that we are pleased to
publish in this MOST Policy Paper, are the outcome of a long maturation.
First and foremost, they are the products of the scholarship and
experience of the author. They were supported by an earlier, collective
effort by several specialists, including C. Inglis herself, as well
as Nadia Auriat from the MOST program staff, towards a MOST paper entitled
"Multiculturalism: A Policy Response to Diversity", which was presented at
the "1995 Global Cultural Diversity Conference", that took place in April
1995, in Sydney, Australia (3). We are grateful
to Christine Inglis and to all other scholars who contributed to further
the work of the MOST program in the area of the management of
multicultural and multi-ethnic societies.
Ali Kazancigil Executive Secretary, MOST Program
Director, Division of Social Sciences, Research and
Policy, UNESCO
IntroductionEthnic and racial diversity
is not a new phenomenon even if there has been considerable variation in
the terms used to describe societies which include within their boundaries
diverse ethnic groups (4). Historically, the
patterns of ethnic relations and the extent to which they are associated
with incidences of inter-ethnic conflict have been extremely varied. Many
schema have been developed to explain the emergence of inter-ethnic
conflict and the part played in it by specific contextual factors and
institutional patterns ranging from imperial expansion and colonisation to
contract labour and settler immigration (e.g. Banton 1967; Blalock 1967;
van den Berghe 1967; Schermerhorn 1970; Richmond 1994). Despite their
theoretical differences, the schema highlight how frequently inter-ethnic
relations are associated with considerable differentials in the access to
power and material resources of dominant and minority ethnic groups.
Furthermore, patterns of ethnic relationship are rarely static, but evolve
and change. As a consequence, peaceful coexistence may be fragile and
problematic.
The inclusion of the study of multi-ethnic and multicultural (5) societies within
UNESCO's MOST (Management of Social Transformation) Program attests to the
contemporary national and international importance attached to ethnicity
and pluralism. There are two dimensions to this focus on ethnicity. The
first, more positive, concern is related to the rapid expansion of
tourism, international student exchanges and new patterns of global
financial and commercial relationships. Through these relationships
increasing numbers of people from diverse ethnic backgrounds now come into
regular contact. Considerable importance is attached by the participants
to ensuring that these educational, economic and cultural relationships
develop amicably and constructively, and that ethnic differences in
cultural patterns, customs and expectations do not become a hindrance in
the development of the relationships.
In contrast, the second focus is on more negative aspects of
inter-ethnic contact. Here, the widespread interest in ethnicity is,
regrettably, largely a reflection of the graphic images of ethnic conflict
and violence which daily are brought into our homes by television, radio
and newspapers. Although representing only a fraction of the daily
contacts between individuals from different ethnic backgrounds, these
images have come to typify for many academics, policy-makers and members
of the general public the reality, and the dangers, associated with the
existence of ethnic diversity.
The impact of these images is all the more striking because of the
influence throughout this century of social theorists as diverse as
Durkheim, Weber and Marx who argued that, as a concomitant of the 19th
century emergence of modern-industrial society, ethnic groups had lost
their saliency in the lives of individuals. Along with kinship and other
status-based forms of social differentiation, ethnicity was to be replaced
by class as the driving force in social organisation. Ethnicity and racial
differences were viewed as anachronisms restricted to pre-modern or
traditional societies. This orthodoxy was shared by social commentators
and policy-makers who believed that assimilation of ethnic minority groups
had either occurred or was in progress. World cultural homogenisation
typified in the 'global village' presaged a quickening of this type of
development. Even in those industrial nations such as Australia, Canada or
the USA which continued to receive large numbers of immigrants,
assimilation was viewed as the inevitable process.
The 'rediscovery' of ethnicity over the last decade has been
accompanied by an increasing awareness among decision-makers of the need
to develop policies which will contribute to the development of harmonious
relations between diverse ethnic groups. This paper is concerned with the
potential of multiculturalism to constitute such a policy response.
Multiculturalism provides for some a way forward in addressing the
challenges posed by the growth of conflict and violence associated with
ethnic differences. For others it portrays the dangerous divisiveness
associated with ethnic and cultural diversity. These contrasting
perspectives on multiculturalism reflect very different assessments of
contemporary trends involving ethnic diversity and the outcomes of
strategies designed to address them.
Much of the debate about multiculturalism and the emergence of
conflictual and socially divisive ethnic groupings has addressed ethical
and philosophical concerns. In contrast, this paper focuses on the level
of policy initiatives and the outcomes associated with attempts by policy
makers to address the daily challenges not only of policy-making but of
policy implementation. Policy-makers do not, however, work in a vacuum
insulated from international concerns about basic principles of justice,
equality and democracy. The United Nations and other international
organisations have established a number of Conventions and other
instruments to guide policy-makers in multi-ethnic societies.
The United Nations and Ethnic DiversityThe
founders of the United Nations, half a century ago, in the aftermath of
the Second World War were motivated by a desire for international
co-operation to ensure peace, development and respect for the rights of
individuals. Based on the stark evidence of the experiences of Jews,
Gypsies and other ethnic minorities who had been victims of genocide in
the Second World War they were also aware of the need to address the
situation of ethnic minorities.
A brief listing of certain instruments of the United Nations and its
Specialized Agencies concerned with non-discrimination and the rights of
minority groups, highlights some of the more pressing issues the
organisations have addressed in considering the situation of members of
indigenous people and persons belonging to ethnic minorities (see Box 1). From their
inception, both organisations emphasised the importance of culture and
cultural rights. The Charter of the United Nations referred in Article 1
to the importance of culture and the Constitution of UNESCO also refers to
the 'fruitful diversity of cultures'. In 1948 the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights provided for the first time for the respect of cultural
rights when Article 22 stated that everyone is entitled to realisation of
the cultural rights indispensable for dignity and the free development of
personality. Of special importance is Article 27 of the 1966 International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which states that:
In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities
exist, persons belonging to such minorities should not be denied the
right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their
own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their
own language.
The 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to National or
Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities extended these rights to also
include the rights of persons belonging to minorities to participate
effectively in cultural, religious, social, economic and public life, as
well as in the decision-making process concerning the minority to which
they belong; to establish and monitor their own associations; to establish
and maintain, without any discrimination, free and peaceful contacts with
other members of their group or other citizens of other States to whom
they are related by national or ethnic, religious or linguistic ties
(MOST, 1995 Annex I).
The importance of the rights of ethnic minorities has also been
recognised by other international organisations. The Conference on
Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in 1991, for example, adopted a
declaration on the Rights of National Minorities. The Council of Europe
has also been very concerned with these issues. In 1992 it adopted the
European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, and in 1994, the
Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.
The designation of 1995 as the Year of Tolerance was evidence of the
ongoing complexity involved in seeking to obtain peaceful coexistence
among those from different ethnic groups. Yet its importance is
highlighted in the following quote from Kymlicka (1995, pp.194-5) (6).
In many countries of the world -including the emerging democracies
in Eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia - the status of national minorities
and indigenous peoples is perhaps the most pressing issue.
People in these countries are looking to the works of Western
liberals for guidance regarding the principles of liberal
constitutionalism in a multinational state. But a liberal tradition offers
only confused and contradictory advice on this question...This is
reflected in the wide range of policies liberal states have historically
adopted regarding ethnic and national groups, ranging from coercive
assimilation to coercive segregation, from conquest and colonisation to
federalism and self-government.
...If liberalism is to have any chance of taking hold in these
countries, it must explicitly address the needs and aspirations of ethnic
and national minorities.
Multiculturalism and the Need for New Policy
Responses to Ethnic DiversityIn less than three decades
'multiculturalism' has become a word immediately recognised by policy
makers, social commentators, academics and the general public in Western
industrial countries, if not elsewhere. The rapid adoption of the term
'multiculturalism' has occurred in a situation where there is increasing
international concern about the limitations of existing policies to
address changing patterns of inter-ethnic relations. Recognition does not,
however, ensure uniformity in usage. Three major levels of usage are
distinguished here, as a means of bringing some clarity into the debate
over the relevance of 'multiculturalism' to policy development in
multi-ethnic societies (7).
Multiculturalism: A Clarification of
the Concept
Three interrelated, but nevertheless distinctive, referents of
'multiculturalism' and its related adjective 'multicultural' which can be
distinguished in public debate and discussion are: the
demographic-descriptive, the ideological-normative and the
programmatic-political.
The demographic-descriptive usage occurs where 'multicultural'
is used to refer to the existence of ethnically or racially diverse
segments in the population of a society or State. It represents a
perception that such differences have some social significance-primarily
because of perceived cultural differences though these are frequently
associated with forms of structural differentiation. The precise ethnic
groupings which exist in a State, the significance of ethnicity for social
participation in societal institutions and the processes through which
ethnic differentiation is constructed and maintained may vary considerably
between individual States, and over time.
In the programmatic-political usage 'multiculturalism' refers to
specific types of programs and policy initiatives designed to respond to
and manage ethnic diversity. It was in this usage that 'multiculturalism'
first gained currency after it was recommended in the 1965 Report of the
Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. This Report
recommended that multiculturalism replace the bicultural policy based on
the British and French Charter groups around whom policies for ethnic
diversity in Canadian society had been organised for over a century. Since
then, its usage has extended rapidly to encompass the
demographic-descriptive' and the 'ideological-normative' usage.
The ideological-normative usage of multiculturalism is that
which generates the greatest level of debate since it constitutes a slogan
and model for political action based on sociological theorising and
ethical-philosophical consideration about the place of those with
culturally distinct identities in contemporary society. Multiculturalism
emphasises that acknowledging the existence of ethnic diversity and
ensuring the rights of individuals to retain their culture should go hand
in hand with enjoying full access to, participation in, and adherence to,
constitutional principles and commonly shared values prevailing in the
society. By acknowledging the rights of individuals and groups and
ensuring their equitable access to society, advocates of multiculturalism
also maintain that such a policy benefits both individuals and the larger
society by reducing pressures for social conflict based on disadvantage
and inequality. They also argue that multiculturalism is an enrichment for
the society as a whole. The close parallels between this
ideological-normative usage of multiculturalism and the United Nations'
views on cultural diversity are clear.
Critiques of Multiculturalism
Such a positive assessment of cultural diversity is not, however,
universal. Critics argue that positive support of cultural diversity, or
multiculturalism, has the potential to foster highly divisive social
conflicts. In support of this position they cite the international
resurgence of ethnic conflict. One of the strongest statements of the
dangers inherent in cultural diversity is Huntington's highly contentious
thesis on the clash of civilisations in which religion is argued to play a
crucial role (8).
The theoretical support for this and similar expressions of fear about the
continuing threats to social cohesion posed by ethnic and cultural
diversity derives from one strand of theorising about modernity. Contrary
to the earlier theories on the declining importance of ethnicity, it is
argued that the contemporary processes of modernisation and globalisation
are actively contributing to the growing importance of ethnicity and the
increased significance of communitarian ties (9). What is
frequently under-theorised in this type of analysis is the role of the
State and the capacities of social policy to intervene in this process so
as to reduce the potential for conflict.
For some critics of multiculturalism, however, their critique is
directed at what they perceive to be the outcome of the implementation of
multicultural policies. Thus assertions that educational reforms in the
USA which allow for the inclusion of alternative perspectives into the
history or literature curriculum are leading to the disuniting of American
society, or the undermining of the foundations of Western civilisation,
are clearly a response to shifts in educational programs and practice
(e.g. Schlesinger 1992). It is also true that advocates of such changes
frequently justify their appeals by reference to multiculturalism. In
doing so they highlight its potential to provide an alternative policy
model to redress perceived ethnic disadvantage and injustice (10). However,
because there are only limited examples of States where explicit
multicultural programs and policies have been implemented, the debates on
the actual effects of a policy of multiculturalism all too often proceed
with little reference to empirical evidence.
The objective of this paper is to redress the imbalance by examining
how specific multicultural programs and policies have operated and to
assess multiculturalism's potential to provide the much sought after new
policy response to ethnic diversity. Before this can be done a number of
questions must be answered.
What are the social changes which are driving the search for new policy
responses to diversity?
How have such changes affected contemporary forms of multi-ethnic
societies?
What are the existing policy models used by States in managing ethnic
diversity?
Contemporary Influences on Patterns of Ethnic
DiversityThe last half century has been characterised by dramatic
political and economic changes. The emergence of new States, the end of
the Cold War, the crisis of the Welfare State, economic and cultural
globalisation and massive increases in all forms of international
population movements are among the most prominent developments affecting
opportunities for inter-ethnic contact and resultant patterns of ethnic
relations. The impact on ethnic relations of the increased momentum of
these changes over the last decade has been a driving force in the search
for new policy responses.
Political Change
The emergence of new States which have to confront issues of ethnicity
on a daily basis has been one of the most visible political developments
over the last half century. Decolonisation and the collapse of communist
regimes have been the major reasons for the formation of new States. The
extent of these changes is indicated by the growth in the membership of
the United Nations from the original 50 countries in 1945 to the present
185 member States.
The Second World War marks a watershed in the history of European
colonisation. By 1984, 85 former colonies had become independent States
(United Nations 1984). The process still continues albeit at a slightly
slower pace with, for example, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia and
Namibia gaining independence in 1990. An enduring geo-political legacy of
colonisation are the boundaries of the contemporary states which are based
on those of the former colonial powers and encompass often diverse,
regionally-based ethnic groups. In addition these States often include the
descendants of migrant labourers brought in to work on the European
plantations, mines and other economic ventures. In Asia and the Pacific,
Chinese and Indians played an important part in this labour migration
which in Africa also involved significant numbers of labourers from
elsewhere in Africa. In many cases these labourers became the middleman
trading minorities who played an important role in commerce and the
economy.
After decolonisation nation-building was a critical task for the new
political leadership and involved not only establishing their economic
viability but constructing a stable and viable State through incorporation
of these diverse ethnic groups. None of these States shared the illusion
underlying the formation of the European nation-states that they were
reuniting an ethnically homogeneous population. The alliances forged in
the anti- colonial struggle provided a starting point for the
establishment of the new regimes. Regionally-based separatist movements
and concerns about the economic power of the middleman groups, who rarely
were accorded political power in the immediate post-independence period,
nevertheless were major issues confronting new States. Those Asian
countries with extensive overseas Chinese populations were also concerned
about the intentions of the new communist regime in China and the
potential of the local Chinese population to be a focus for communist
China's expansionist political aspirations.
Given the many difficulties confronting countries in the
post-independence period it is somewhat surprising that the colonial
administrator Furnivall's predictions concerning the fragility of
post-colonial States did not result in greater ethnic turmoil and
instability in governments (11). Successful
breakaway movements such as those which led to the creation of Bangladesh
have been relatively rare. Yet, the continuation of such movements in many
countries attests to the strength of divisive pressures, especially where
exacerbated by differential regional development. Armed resistance by
separatist ethnic groups is the norm, rather than the exception, in many
parts of Africa and Asia. Yet, in Asia, the position of the Chinese and
other non-indigenous minorities has become less significant as a source of
conflict as a result of the economic and social changes associated with
economic development and political changes within China.
The collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the break-up of
the former USSR has, as with decolonisation, led to the emergence of new
States many of which contain within their boundaries significant ethnic
minorities. Some minorities have been resident in specific regions for
centuries. Others, including Russians, settled or were deported to now
independent States during Soviet rule. In these new States an extension of
Furnivall's theory to include the destabilising effects of the removal of
the old regime is particularly relevant given the violent ethnically
linked conflicts between contending political leaderships. The situation
in ex-Yugoslavia is the clearest example of the intractability of such
conflicts when ethnic loyalties have been mobilised in support of
competing territorial claims and where the former institutional supports
promoting integration and coexistence have collapsed. But such conflict is
not inevitable, as the negotiated division of Czechoslovakia into the
separate Czech and Slovak Republics shows.
The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet-led power bloc
has been associated with a further element of political uncertainty
potentially affecting the incidence of ethnic conflict. The two super
powers no longer have the same interest, or ability in the case of Russia,
to control or direct the expression of internal conflicts within former
client States or States within their sphere of political influence. In
this vacuum the external influences towards moderation which might once
have been exercised are no longer operative. This creates opportunities
for ambitious political groups and leaders to pursue their quest for power
by often violent means as is especially evident in Somalia and other parts
of Africa.
A more optimistic example of the ability of States to survive a major
change in their political regimes without major ethnic violence is
provided by the Republic of South Africa. At the time of the 1994
elections which led to the replacement of the White government by the
multi-racial government of national unity led by Nelson Mandela widespread
predictions were made about the likelihood of violence between the various
ethnic groups. While South Africa still experiences extremely high levels
of violence and killing, even in the region of Kwazulu-Natal inter-ethnic
rivalries can only partially account for the ongoing violence involving
supporters of the African National Congress and the Inkatha Freedom Party
since Zulus support both Inkatha and the ANC. Elsewhere, the violence and
killings are indiscriminate and motivated by criminal intent rather than a
result of attempts by Africans to target individuals who belong to other
African ethnic groups or to other races such as the Coloureds, Indians or
Europeans. The ability of the new regime to survive such highly
destabilising events indicates the potential of appropriate policies to
reduce the damaging effects of ethnically-linked political rivalry. It
also confirms how 'South Africans defied the logic of their past, and
broke all the rules of political theory, to forge a powerful spirit of
unity from a shattered nation' (Magubane, 1995 p.3).
Less obvious than the political changes associated with the emergence
of new States and political regimes are changes in the specific objectives
and ideologies guiding government policy-making. The demise of communist
regimes in Eastern Europe and the consequent moves to establish free
market economies have reduced the potential for new successor governments
to adopt policies to redress structural disadvantage and inequalities
among ethnic groups. At the same time, the legitimation crisis confronting
the Welfare State in many Western industrial societies is also calling
into question the ability, and willingness, of their governments to commit
expenditure to address inequality especially when such expenditure may be
viewed as benefiting minority interests. The contemporary significance of
reductions in governmental capacity to address issues of ethnic inequality
and disadvantage has not been extensively explored, but such loss of
capacity has the potential to be an important constraint on the
development of policies which may ameliorate ethnic tensions where these
are linked to structural inequalities in society.
Globalisation
Globalisation, the word which has rapidly gained currency as describing
the processes characterising the growing inter-connection and
interdependence in the world has three readily identifiable dimensions
(Waters, 1994). The primary economic dimension involves those changes
associated with the expansion and restructuring of international economic
relations. These dramatic changes in economic flows of goods, services,
labour and capital have been associated with the post-World War Two
emergence of major new economic bases outside the Western industrial
economies of Europe and North America. The role of the oil-producing
countries of the Middle East in the 1970s oil crisis and the emergence of
Japan and the newly industrialising economies of Asia including Hong Kong,
Korea, Singapore and Taiwan as major independent economic actors has
involved significant economic, social and political changes in these
societies. The effects have also been felt in the older Western industrial
societies whose economies have undergone major restructuring with
consequent social change and dislocation resulting from the decline of the
traditional manufacturing industries on which their economies were
based.
Another important dimension of globalisation involves the development
of a homogeneous world-wide culture such as was first foreshadowed by
McLuhan when he wrote of the 'global village' (1964). With the extensive
and rapid innovations in telecommunications and the increasing ease, speed
and afford-ability of international travel, cultural products and forms
now can be disseminated globally with great effectiveness.
The third, political dimension, is a product of the economic and
cultural dimensions. It involves a perception that the autonomy and policy
making capability of the State is being undermined by the moves to
economic and cultural internationalisation (12). For the
individual, the technological revolution in communications means that
social networks readily cross national boundaries with the aid of cheap
speedy travel, the telephone, fax and Internet. Another trend which
further constrains the power of individual States is the development of
supra-national political groupings, often growing out of a desire for
closer economic ties, as with the European Union. The existence of these
supra-national entities also is seen as providing opportunities for
regional political entities to bypass the nation State and so assume
greater significance.
Inevitably, there is dispute about the precise extent to which these
trends, such as the loss of power of the State, have occurred. The
significance of such a disappearance has been put dramatically by one
commentator (Waters, 1994 p.234) who noted that a consequence would be the
disappearance of our present institutions of citizenship, welfare rights
and liberal democracy. While such a development may not be imminent,
nevertheless the comments highlight the ways in which globalisation is
rendering problematic many key political institutions which have hitherto
played an important role in the management of multi-ethnic societies.
Agreement about the scope of changes associated with globalisation does
not ensure agreement, however, on the desirability of the outcomes or how
they may be theorised (Waters, 1994). While an emphasis on the integrating
and cultural homogenising effect of globalisation suggests a positive
contribution towards overcoming conflict between ethnic groups, there are
many indications that this is outweighed by more negative developments
involving the breakdown of the older nexus between nation, state, societal
community and territory (Waters 1994, p.232).
Often the processes of globalisation involve tensions. What may appear
as a relatively isolated minority group in a multi-ethnic society must
also be understood as part of an international network (McLellan and
Richmond 1994 pp.665-6). As a consequence there may be tensions between
membership in a nation-state and participation in an international
diasporic community.
As McLellan and Richmond (1994, p.666) also note, frequently there are
contradictions within the processes of globalisation. The logic of free
movement in labour, goods, services and capital may be countered by
protectionism and by the gatekeepers responsible under State policies for
protecting borders from illegal immigrants and asylum seekers. Similarly,
while the processes of regionalisation may be conducive to separatist
movements in Scotland or Catalonia, whether such regions will establish
their own political independence may involve considerations somewhat
different from those which have resulted in the break-up of the USSR or
the former Yugoslavia.
While bearing in mind the contradictions inherent in globalisation, one
of its most frequently cited concomitants is the rise of ethno-nationalist
movements. Such movements which involve a development out of ethnic
communities, or ethnies (Smith 1994, p.382), speak to the material or
other advantages which their supporters seek to achieve through gaining
independence. Often such movements are viewed as compensating for the
alienation of modern society thereby linking them not to 'class' politics
but to the politics of 'identity' in which cultural factors
predominate.
Implicit in much of the writing about the replacement of "class" by
"identity" or "cultural" politics is the belief that these new movements
have a strong irrational component. While this contributes to their
potency, it also makes them less susceptible to political compromise or
acceptance of the rights of other cultural groups. Such a view predisposes
critics to group together as highly dangerous to the stability of the
State many very different forms of ethnic mobilisation extending from
fundamentalist religious groups and militant nationalists to those working
to achieve much more limited objectives involving access to education,
health or other institutions for their co- ethnics. Just as the earlier
acceptance of simple theories of modern society led to an overly
unquestioning acceptance of the decline of ethnicity, their replacement
may equally inappropriately see ethnic minorities, and what has been
referred to as the politics of recognition associated with
'multiculturalism' (Taylor, 1994), as inevitably producing ethnic conflict
and the disruption of the society and State.
Whereas much of the consideration of globalisation's effects has
addressed its impact on ethnic minorities, a somewhat different
perspective considers its impact on the development of racism. Wieviorka
and his colleagues thus write of the ways in which the decline of what he
refers to as the national industrial state in selected European countries
has been associated with new forms of racism among the dominant population
(e.g. 1992; 1993; 1994). The targets of this new racism are the immigrants
who now constitute a significant segment of the population in many
European countries.
The Increase in International Population
Movements
One of the most significant factors directly affecting the contemporary
ethnic composition of many societies is the exponential increase in
international population movements which commenced in the 1980s. These
movements are one of the major features of globalisation. The political
and economic changes which underlie these movements differ from the
previous major wave of international migration in the 19th and 20th
centuries which saw an exodus of voluntary emigrants from Europe to the
New World. There was also the less well known labour migration from Asia,
especially China, to the Americas and Australasia as well as to South East
Asia. The numbers involved in the contemporary migrations are now far
larger. One estimate which excluded the former USSR and ex-Yugoslavia was
that some 80 million people now live in foreign lands (Stalker 1994, p.3).
They also involve flows from, and to, a much wider range of countries. In
Europe, former sending countries are now major receiving countries; the
Middle East receives large numbers of workers from Asia and North Africa
while within Asia the expanding economies in many countries have been
associated with extensive labour immigration (13). Refugees now
comprise a significant number of those moving in Africa, Asia and
Europe.
The characteristics of the migrants are now more varied with women
becoming increasingly involved in labour migration and refugee movements.
There is also a growing movement of highly skilled technical, professional
and managerial workers. At the same time, the actual forms of movement are
also becoming more diversified. Permanent immigration and short-term
labour migration now exist alongside refugee movements while there are
also increasing movements by asylum seekers or those without legal status
or documentation. International students too are a significant component
in movements as are business people and tourists.
A final significant change in recent international population movements
is the involvement of the State. Governmental regulations now govern
criteria for entry and residence and their operation is an important
political issue. The regime of control which surrounds international
population movements has also come to involve increasing international
co-operation as individual States realise that individual policies of
selection and control are only of limited effect in the face of the
pressures for more extensive immigration. Well known examples include the
Schengen agreement involving European Union member states and the
Comprehensive Plan of Action agreed in 1988-89. The latter plan developed
to address extensive Vietnamese emigration involved countries of first
asylum, other countries in Southeast Asia, and resettlement countries as
well, most significantly, as the source country of the boat people,
Vietnam.
1. Refugee movements: Refugee movements are one type of
international population movement which has continued to expand. Despite
difficulties of defining refugees and others involved in forced migrations
it is clear that there has been a massive increase in the numbers of those
colloquially described as 'refugees'. Whereas in the early 1970s the
estimated number of refugees was 2.5 million, by 1994 the total population
described as being 'of concern' to the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) had increased to some 27.4 million. A year earlier
the figure had been 23 million (UNHCR 1995, p.9). An even higher estimate
of 40 million may be necessary to include all those involved in forced
migration, whether as refugees, or in refugee-like situations or as
displaced persons (Rogers 1992, p.1112).
Included in the UNHCR figure of 27.4 million were some 14.4 million
individuals who fitted the restricted UN Convention definition of refugee
(14), together
with 5.4 million persons who were internally displaced in their own
countries and 7.5 million other persons including war victims, asylum
seekers and returnees. The majority (43 per cent) was located in Africa,
with most of the remainder being located in Asia (29 per cent) and Europe
(24 per cent) (UNHCR 1995, p.9).
The rapid increase in individuals involved in forced migrations is
dramatic testimony to the impact of political instability on international
population movements. Not all the instability has an ethnic dimension as a
central feature, but, once individuals become involved in international
population movements, their own presence can contribute to changes in the
ethnic composition of countries where they seek refuge or are resettled.
However, the impact of refugees is more limited than their numbers would
suggest because of the international management system which has been
developed for handling refugees and those in refugee-like situations (15). The ultimate
aim of this system is return and only a small proportion of those
classified as refugees according to the UN Convention are actually
resettled in third countries usually in North America, Australasia and
Europe.
2. Asylum seekers: Far more numerous than these 'official'
refugees are those seeking to gain residence in these regions through
claims for asylum. Their numbers have increasingly presented major
political challenges for governments, especially those in the Western
democracies. On the one hand governments wish to maintain the impression
that they are in control of population movements yet they also experience
pressures to show compassion towards the victims of political instability
and persecution. Where they accept refugees for resettlement under schemes
organised by the UNHCR, or where they maintain an immigration program
which provides some flexibility for accepting individual immigrants, they
then have some way of satisfying both these pressures. However, in many
cases, the absence of such schemes, in association with high levels of
demand for asylum from individuals arriving at their borders, have placed
considerable pressure on governments.
The issue of asylum seekers is especially significant in Europe where
the numbers have increased dramatically to be 680,000 in 1992 two-thirds
of whom sought asylum on arrival in Germany. Since the asylum seekers are
often from ethnic groups new in a country, issues relating to their
appropriate treatment may also become linked to hostility directed to them
as 'strangers'. Fuelling this hostility as the numbers of asylum seekers
increased has been the perception that many are motivated more by hopes
for economic gain than by direct political persecution (16). Against this
background of fear and suspicion, the appeal of a Fortress Europe to keep
out the new hordes has been strong. While the large influxes from Eastern
Europe and the former USSR have not arrived on the borders of Western
Europe (Coleman, 1994, p.6; OECD 1995, p.58) governments have nevertheless
increasingly supplemented strict entry requirements for asylum seekers and
other immigrants from outside the European Union by bilateral and
multilateral initiatives (17). 'Fortress
Europe' however represents more an aspiration than an easily achievable
goal. Outside Europe, especially in Africa and Asia the dimensions of the
refugee problem are even greater while the resources to respond to it are
far smaller (18).
3. Permanent immigration: While the growth in refugee numbers
and those seeking asylum have increased dramatically, they constitute only
one part of the international population flows. In sharp contrast to these
flows are those where States actively encourage and facilitate the entry
and settlement of immigrants, including relatively easy access to
citizenship. Examples of such States are Australia, Canada, New Zealand
and the United States where the national ethos and identity is very much
based on European settlement and subsequent development. Another major
immigrant nation is Israel whose identity derives from being the homeland
of the Jewish people (19). Each of these
States has experienced major changes in immigration over the last decade.
For Israel, the collapse of the former USSR and Eastern European communist
regimes has been associated with major inflows of immigrants. In the other
four States, a common feature has been the increasing diversification in
the countries of origins of the immigrants with Asian and Pacific
countries becoming increasingly important through-out the 1980s. The US
has also experienced significant inflows from Mexico (20).
The actual numbers of immigrants to each of the countries has varied as
a result of governmental administrative decisions and legislation. In all
the countries the size of the immigration program, especially in a time of
recession, has become a political issue. While Australia reduced its
intake of immigrants after the 1989 peak because of its economic
recession, Canada pursued an expansionary policy to achieve its aim of
one-quarter of a million immigrants by 1992. The United States has most
recently experienced immigration numbers in excess of one million with a
peak of 1.82 million in 1992 largely as a result of the way in which the
annual immigration figures included the large numbers of already resident
persons who were able to legalise their residence status under the 1986
Immigration and Reform Control Act.
4. Contract labour: Immigration is not, however, confined to
countries of permanent settlement. With the rapid expansion of the global
economy many economies are experiencing labour market shortages which are
filled by use of short term, contract labour. Most OECD countries now have
positive net migration (OECD 1995, p.11) but the need for migrant labour
is not confined to them. The preference for short term contract labour
evident in the post-war economic reconstruction of Europe is also evident
in Middle-Eastern and many Asian countries. This preference is associated
with the greater economic flexibility which is perceived to be associated
with such labour, especially where the labour migrants are from a
different ethnic or religious background. Not only does the 'foreignness'
of such labour facilitate their separation from the local population but
the absence of family or other ties is perceived to make them easier to
remove from the society when they are no longer needed. The experience of
Germany and other European countries with their guest worker immigration
is, however, that the believed flexibility in the labour force is often
illusory.
5. Future developments: The variety and extent of international
population movements shows little evidence of ending of its own volition
given the range of economic and political pressures encouraging movement.
International networks of immigrants are also creating an additional
momentum and opportunity for movement. Yet, there is continuing evidence
that a stabilisation of population movements evident in OECD countries in
1992 had continued into 1993 and 1994 (OECD, 1995, p.13). The major reason
for this is attributed to the effects of recent measures to control
immigration by host countries rather than a fall in the potential for
migration (OECD, 1995 p.11). As the OECD report notes, the effectiveness
of such institutional controls may be only partial in the absence of the
development of employment opportunities in the countries of emigration
(OECD, 1995 p.11) or, it might be added, in the absence of political
stability.
The increasing international importance of immigration as a domestic
political issue and the associated efforts of governments to control the
population flows may often be seen as a response to both the size of the
flows and, also, to the increasing diversity of source countries which has
continued in the case of Asian movements for over a decade. In Australia,
Canada and the USA the major increase in the percentage of immigrants from
Asia and the Pacific has also been associated with a decline in European
immigration only partially offset by those arriving from Eastern Europe
and the former Soviet Union since 1990. Japan too has become a major
destination of migrants from elsewhere in Asia and there has been
increasing intra-Asian movement affecting other industrialising economies
in Asia including Singapore, Korea, Taiwan and Malaysia as well as Hong
Kong. In European countries earlier patterns of migration continued with
Switzerland receiving migrants from Southern Europe, France from North
Africa and the United Kingdom from South Asia. But there were also newer
patterns associated with East-West flows which especially affected
Germany, Austria and Sweden. While in Germany, Poles and Romanians
dominated, in the other two countries those from the former Yugoslavia
were more numerous among the new migrants (OECD 1995, p.16).
A final significant change in the patterns of immigration is that
migrants from the one source area now may enter a country on the basis of
increasingly diverse criteria. Of especial interest is the growth in
temporary workers and highly-skilled migrants and the decrease in the
numbers of asylum seekers which are an outgrowth of host country policies
for selection and control (OECD, 1995). Such changes have the potential to
increase the diversity within migrant, ethnic minorities. In particular,
they can minimise the extent to which migrant minorities are necessarily
viewed as an undifferentiated mass of disadvantaged or exploitable
workers. In many countries there is a growing pool of the non-citizen
population, business people, students and skilled workers who may share
with members of the local technical and professional middle classes common
educational and occupational experiences.
The Changing Nature of Multi-ethnic
SocietiesAs a result of the political, economic and demographic
changes which have occurred over the last 50 years, diversity in patterns
of ethnic relations and in the range of ethnic identities, is a hallmark
of the great majority of societies in all regions of the world. Indeed,
only 10 to 15 per cent of countries can be reasonably described as
ethnically homogeneous (Connor, 1994; Väryinen, 1994). States which had
lacked substantial ethnic minorities now find that they are having to
address issues of ethnic diversity and determine appropriate policy
responses. In those States with longer histories of ethnic diversity,
recent developments have been associated with changing relations between
their long-standing minorities. At the same time, there is a need to
incorporate newer ethnic groups as a result of new international
population flows, some encouraged, others unwanted, by the individual
governments.
The patterns of ethnic relations are most fluid, and often violent, in
those new States which have recently gained their independence as a result
of the break-up of former States and federations in Europe or where former
colonies are still trying to establish a stable government structure.
Where former colonies have been able to establish a viable political
structure new relationships have been forged among the native-born ethnic
groups who have been able to negotiate access to legal citizenship.
In those cases where the countries have experienced economic growth and
development such as has occurred in the Asian region, the additional
labour market needs have been satisfied through a process involving
contract labour or illegal migration rather than settler immigration. In
these instances, immigrant ethnic group membership has become associated
with dis-advantage since the new immigrant ethnic groups lack citizenship
and other rights to full social participation usually associated with
permanent residence and enjoyed by long-established ethnic minorities. In
the Middle East, Japan and Korea where contract labour has also been used,
the difference in legal status is further compounded by marked social
divisions between the migrant labour force and the dominant ethnic group
with a strong sense of its homogeneity.
Nowhere is the range of variation in the co-existing patterns of ethnic
relations more marked than in western European countries. The growth of
diverse patterns has occurred since the Second World War and reflects the
way these countries, with the exception of Ireland, have become de facto
countries of immigration. When these newer immigrant ethnic groups are
considered in addition to the long established regional ethnic minorities
existing in many European countries, the complexity of the European
patterns of ethnic diversity is evident both in terms of the specific
ethnic groups involved and their legal status.
The first pattern of European immigrant relations involves contract or
'guest worker' labour which until the 1970's was used extensively by
Germany, Switzerland and other European countries. Renewed needs for
labour have seen a reintroduction of the practice. In 1993, for example,
Germany introduced 181,000 such workers from Central and Eastern Europe,
and there were 72,000 in Switzerland, 16,000 in Austria and 11,000 in
France (OECD 1995, p.21). With the ending of the first wave of extensive
contract labour in the 1970's European countries rapidly discovered that
the departure of the workers and their families was not inevitable.
Indeed, in Germany an important component of the population are the 1.9
million Turkish nationals (OECD 1995, p.202), guest workers and their
children who, although recent changes to make German citizenship more
accessible, still do not have German citizenship, despite many having been
born there. Similar groups of non-citizens exist in many other European
countries.
Another, important European source of international migrant labour are
nationals from European Union member States who, since January 1992, have
been able to move and work freely within the EU without the restrictions
affecting non-EU contract labour. A third category of immigrants are those
who came to European countries, especially immediately after the Second
World War, and who had citizenship by virtue of being from the former
colonies of countries such as the United Kingdom and France. On a similar
basis Germany also accepted large numbers of Germans from the German
Democratic Republic and Eastern Europe who also immediately acquired
German citizenship. European countries also have populations of students,
businessmen and refugees with a range of rights to residence. Further
compounding the patterns of ethnic diversity in Europe are the numerous
asylum seekers, illegal entrants and others who remain in individual
countries under various legal restrictions.
Even in Australia, Canada and the USA, which have a long history of
settler immigration, the new forms of immigration and the new source
regions have introduced significant new dimensions in the relationships
between existing ethnic minorities. The overlay of different institutional
patterns of ethnic relations includes not only those of immigrant
background but indigenous groups and, especially in the USA, an ethnic
group, the African-Americans, whose relationship with other groups is
influenced by their historical experience of slavery. Where these
countries differ from many others is, however, an acceptance of
immigration and permanent settlement for newer ethnic groups. This has a
legal expression in relatively easy access to citizenship as in Australia
where the basic requirement is two years of permanent residence.
Recurring Policy Issues in Multi-ethnic
SocietiesThe diversity of multi-ethnic states in their institutional
structures, patterns of ethnic relations and their constituent ethnic
groupings ensures that the form of policy debates, and their outcomes, are
highly varied. Nevertheless, certain themes are continually identified by
those able to influence the formulation of policy as issues to be
addressed and managed in contemporary multi-ethnic societies (21). Before
examining these, there are certain policy issues which relate directly to
the existing general patterns of institutional relations between the
constituent ethnic groups.
The most urgent issue in States experiencing ongoing ethnically related
political instability, or striving to re-establish a modus vivendi
between ethnic groups in the wake of conflict involving physical violence,
is the establishment of communication and contacts across ethnic
boundaries which will allow for negotiations between groups and, for
individuals, the regaining of a sense of personal security. Where genocide
has been widespread as in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda the task is
especially difficult. When this is achieved the need then exists to
address the causes which underlay the ethno-nationalist mobilisation.
The prime policy issue for States where a proportion of their ethnic
minorities include contract or guest worker labour, asylum seekers or
those without legal entrance status concerns the relationship of these
groups to others who are citizens or enjoy permanent resident status. What
is their access to social and welfare services, housing, health, education
and employment? What rights do they have to participate in decision-making
or to gain access to the legal system for redress of wrongs? What is the
situation of their family members and dependants with regard to entry and
residence status? Where States have long-term residents denied access to
citizenship many of the same issues may apply to them and their family
members, often including locally born children. The regularisation of
resident status or opportunities to be naturalised become important
issues. This is especially so where such changes remove ethnic minority
members from a situation where they become caught in a web of exploitative
labour and criminal activities contributing to the development of a
disaffected and marginalised underclass.
States which have taken decisions in favour of regularisation and the
further step of granting citizenship (22) to resident
ethnic minorities face issues similar to States which have
long-established ethnic minorities who have legal citizenship. These
concern the integration of the minority group members and their
relationship to the dominant ethnic group and other minorities. Policy
issues which arise include opportunities to express, and to maintain
distinctive elements of the ethnic culture, especially language and
religion where these are associated with ethnic distinctiveness; the
absence of ethnically linked social and economic disadvantage;
opportunities to participate in political decision-making and the
avoidance of racism and discrimination. An important symbolic issue is the
involvement of minority groups in the formulation and expression of the
national identity. Where a minority group has a distinctive territorial
base the issue of the extent of its political independence may become an
important issue.
A list of some common concerns from the perspective of the ethnic
minorities are contained in Box 2. The importance
of these issues may vary between groups and also over time. While it is
apparent that often the ethnic minority and the State may be concerned
about the same issue, the nature of their concern may differ. In the area
of housing, for example, the State may be concerned to avoid the
development of segregated housing areas while for members of the ethnic
minority their concern may be focused on the availability of adequate
quality housing without discrimination.
How the State responds to the policy issues of concern to ethnic
minority groups depends very much on the type of model adopted to manage
ethnic diversity.
The Policy Models of Multi-ethnic StatesThe
growing international recognition of the importance of ethnic diversity
ensures that States have shared concerns about the need to address this
diversity in their policies and programs. While all have the objective of
preventing ethnically-based conflict becoming destabilising the policy
models favoured to achieve this objective, often referred to as
'integration', may be diametrically opposed (Baubock, 1995). The three
policy models discussed below are abstract, ideal types based on specific
ideological-normative statements concerning the relationship between
ethnic groups in a society (23). Later in this
paper, another level of policy will be identified - the
programmatic-political-which involves actual policy initiatives and
programs which have direct, and indirect, implications for ethnic
relations. While there is the expectation of a close link between the
ideological-normative and the programmatic-political levels of policy, the
process of decision-making and implementation can result in a lack of
congruence between the two levels.
At one extreme are policies based on an assimilationist model which
envisages that ethnic minorities will be incorporated fully into the
society and State through a process of individual change in which
individuals abandon their distinctive linguistic, cultural and social
characteristics and takes on those of the dominant group. In this model
there is no place envisaged for the retention of distinctive cultural,
linguistic or social practices. By being completely absorbed into the
mainstream society it is argued that the bases for ethnically based
conflict cease to exist. The role of the State in this model is limited
since change is viewed as the individual's responsibility. No change is
required by State legal, educational, welfare or health institutions
although practices and institutions associated with separatism may be
proscribed.
At the other extreme are policies based on a differentialist model
whereby conflict is avoided through a process which eliminates or
minimises contacts with ethnic minorities. An extreme version of this
model involves the expulsion or 'ethnic cleansing' of ethnic minorities.
Far more common forms, however, are policies which substantially restrict
the participation of ethnic minority members in the mainstream society.
The institutions of the State are not required to accommodate members of
the ethnic minorities. The State, in contrast with the assimilationist
model, may however allow, or in some cases sponsor, the development of
parallel institutions catering in a minimal fashion for the educational,
health or cultural needs of the ethnic minorities which they are excluded
from satisfying within the mainstream institutions.
A third major approach to policies accepts the potential, and
legitimacy, of ethnic minorities' cultural and social distinctiveness. The
multiculturalism model envisages that individuals and groups can be fully
incorporated into the society without either losing their distinctiveness
or being denied full participation. This process of full participation is
the key to the absence of ethnic conflict. In order to achieve this goal
of full participation, the State institutions may need to be extensively
modified so as to provide equally for those from different cultural and
social backgrounds. In this process the State plays an active role of
sponsoring institutional change which may extend from the restructuring of
mainstream institutions to the support of parallel institutions. These
parallel institutions are integral to the society in contrast to the
marginalised status of the parallel institutional structures associated
with the differentialist model.
Multiculturalism alone of these three models acknowledges the
legitimacy and need for equality of ethnic groups in the expression of
their diverse cultures. In doing so it comes closest to a model which has
the potential to address the aspirations contained in the various United
Nations instruments on cultural, linguistic and religious diversity.
Each of these three models of how States manage and organise their
policy responses to ethnic diversity is abstract and contains little in
the way of specific policy prescriptions or programs. This abstraction
derives from the way they are actually ideological-normative statements
with a moral and ethical force. As such, they constitute slogans and
supports for political action based on beliefs about the nature of
ethnicity and the ways in which society should operate. Such beliefs are a
critical dimension of each of the models and contribute to the strong
commitment which they arouse in their supporters whether politicians,
social commentators or members of the general public.
Intersecting with these models are national mythologies about the
origins and characteristics of the State and the national identity. The
State may view itself as a 'nation of immigrants' or the guardian of
important revolutionary principles or, yet again, the embodiment of a
people or 'volk'. Together the models and myths define the abstract
notions of whom constitute the nation's citizenry. This is why when States
are classified into one or other of the models, reference is frequently
made to how they legally define citizenship and assign nationality.
France (24) is
the obvious example of a contemporary State which addresses ethnic
diversity with an assimilationist model. Special force is given to the
French assimilationist model by the way in which it is grounded in the
Jacobin ideology of the French Revolution. Nationality, although based on
ius sanguinis, has strong elements of ius solis with French
born children acquiring citizenship if they had a French born parent or by
declaration made between the ages of 16 and 21 (OECD 1995, p.159).
Immigrants may also apply for naturalisation after five years and in 1993
over 60,000 were naturalised (OECD 1995, p.225). Citizenship is viewed as
a contract between the individual and the State without the mediation of
other entities. It is also based on the strict separation of the private
from the public space (Birnbaum, 1995). Minority groups in France
frequently use the Law of 1901 which approves associations (Giordan, 1992)
as a vehicle permitting citizens (regardless of their origin) to organise
the development of the minority cultures and languages to which they are
attached. Yet the institutional frameworks guaranteeing the real practice
of this recognised right are lacking.
The differentialist model of addressing ethnic diversity, leaving aside
the extreme forms of ethnic cleansing, is associated especially with
States where citizenship is based on principles of ius sanguinis.
The effect of this is that native born members of ethnic minorities such
as Turks in Germany or Koreans in Japan do not enjoy a natural right to
citizenship in their countries of birth. While provisions exist for
naturalisation the procedures often make it extremely difficult, even for
permanent residents and their locally born children, to apply
successfully. The exclusion of such 'outsiders' is further reinforced by
national mythologies which emphasise the cultural homogeneity of the
nation.
The multi-cultural model is the most recent having been developed only
within the last three decades (25). Australia,
Canada and Sweden are the three States which have explicitly adopted a
national multicultural model to guide them in managing ethnic diversity.
Nationality in Canada and Australia is based primarily on ius solis
and there is easy access to naturalisation procedures and citizenship for
immigrants. While Sweden adheres to principles of ius sanguinis it too, in
practice, has procedures which favour relatively easy naturalisation. In
1993, 8.5 per cent of the foreign population acquired Swedish citizenship,
a rate which was far higher than in other European OECD countries with the
Netherlands at 5.7 per cent having the second highest rate (OECD 1995,
p.158).
Complicating the illustration of the various models is the way that,
within specific States, the favoured policy models may have changed over
time. The official adoption by Canada and Australia of multiculturalism
involved the abandonment of earlier official models of biculturalism and
assimilation respectively. In France there have been moves away from the
assimilationist model to address the needs of ethnic minorities (Castles
1995, p.301). Similarly, Germany has begun moves away from the
differentialist model (Castles 1995, p.296).
Within the one society different models may also exist for those from
different ethnic minorities. In Australia, for example, a differentialist
model for the Aboriginal population coexisted with an assimilationist
model for the immigrant population until 1967 when full citizenship rights
were granted to Aborigines. In Germany and Japan at the present time,
those of German and Japanese origin from their respective diasporic
communities in Eastern Europe and South America have citizenship while
native born members of ethnic minorities such as the Turks or Koreans are
excluded under ius sanguinis citizenship provisions.
Even when based on the criteria for citizenship, attempts to classify
States according to particular models may give only a partial indication
of their actual policy initiatives and programs. The reason is the need to
translate the slogans and models into specific action and programs. It is
through this process that the ideological-normative models acquire
their programmatic-political reality. This process of translation
is critical to appreciate in any discussion of both the reality and the
potential for change in policy responses in multi-ethnic societies. To the
extent that there is indeterminacy or slippage in the translation from
model to practice, the potential for change is thereby increased.
Many factors influence the complex translation process but the outcomes
provide the bases for evaluating the claims of the competing
ideological-normative policy models. Given the claims and
counter-claims made concerning the model of multiculturalism and its
potential for enhancing, rather than minimising, ethnic divisions and
conflict, it is useful to examine briefly the experience of those States
who have adopted it as their ideological-normative policy model and then
sought to translate it into specific programs.
Multiculturalism in Practice: Australia, Canada
and Sweden Origins and Developments
Canada was the first of the three States to adopt an official policy of
multiculturalism in 1971. This it did after the 1965 Report of the Royal
Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism recommended the replacement
of the bicultural policy, based on the long-established British and French
Charter groups, which had operated for over a century. The impetus for the
change was concern among other immigrant, non-Charter groups about their
place in relation to these two dominant ethnic groups. The initial focus
in the policy was on the right to preservation of one's culture and
ethnicity as a part of Canadian national identity. Subsequently, the focus
of policy shifted to issues of equality, social participation and national
unity (Dorais, Foster & Stockley 1994, p.375).
Supporting the policy is a range of legislation. In particular, there
is the 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms which explicitly forbade
discrimination on the basis of race, national or ethnic origin, colour or
religion. However it did not contain a specific guarantee to preserve and
develop one's own specific ancestral language or culture, although it
noted that the Charter should be interpreted in a manner consistent with
Canadians' multicultural heritage (Dorais, Foster & Stockley 1994
p.387). The 1988 Multiculturalism Act complemented the Charter with its
two main provisions which were that:
1. All members of Canadian society are free to preserve and share their
cultural heritages; their cultures and ancestral languages should be
protected and enhanced.
2. All federal institutions should promote policies, programs and
practices that ensure that Canadians of all origins have an equal
opportunity to obtain employment and advancement in those institutions.
Such policies etc. should also enhance the under-standing of and respect
for the diversity of the members of Canadian society.
By 1994, the Annual Report on the operation of the Multiculturalism Act
identified three main areas of government activity (Canada 1993-94, p.5)
These were the need to eliminate racism and discrimination, to overcome
problems of integration faced by ethno-cultural and visible minorities and
to promote the shared values upon which the nation is based. Accessible
governmental institutions and community education were seen as playing a
key role in achieving these objectives.
Australia like Canada viewed itself as an immigrant nation. However,
lacking a major ethnic group to compete with the British, a model of
assimilation to the dominant Angle-Celtic was strongly entrenched as the
way of achieving social integration. A major impetus for the adoption of a
multicultural model was a growing awareness of the ineffectiveness of the
assimilation model. This awareness was spurred by the emergence of an
ethnic rights movement including articulate and politically active
immigrants from non-English speaking backgrounds together with
predominantly Anglo-Celtic workers in a range of welfare areas, education,
health and social services who were concerned by the disadvantages faced
by many non-English speaking background immigrants with whom they daily
came in contact. The 1972 election of a socialist-oriented government
committed to overcoming social disadvantage provided opportunities for a
shift in policy but it was not until 1978 under a conservative government
that multiculturalism became the official policy.
Canada's Population by ethnic Origin 1991 Census
Ethnic Group |
Number |
Percent |
|
|
|
Multiple Origin |
7,794,250 |
28.87 |
Single Origin |
19,199,790 |
71.13 |
French |
6,146,600 |
22.77 |
German |
911,560 |
3.38 |
Scottish |
893,124 |
3.31 |
Italian |
750,055 |
2.78 |
Irish |
725,660 |
2.69 |
Chinese |
586,645 |
2.17 |
Ukranian |
406,645 |
1.51 |
N. American Indian |
365,375 |
1.35 |
Dutch |
358,180 |
1.33 |
South Asian |
324,840 |
1.20 |
Polish |
272,810 |
1.01 |
Jewish |
245,840 |
0.91 |
Scandinavian |
174,370 |
0.65 |
Metis |
75,150 |
0.28 |
Inuit |
30,085 |
0.11 |
Source: Statistics Canada (adapted)
In this first phase the policy was seen as serving the needs of
newly arrived immigrants of non-English speaking background via the
provision of linguistically and culturally appropriate settlement
services. It was also accepted that cultural maintenance, especially
involving language diversity, should be supported. As in Canada, the
policy evolved with a shift in focus from cultural maintenance to address
issues of inequity and social disadvantage and, subsequently, community
relations and racism (see Castles 1992; Dorais, Foster & Stockley
1994). Contributing to this shift was the perception that cultural
maintenance and cultural pluralism were insufficient to overcome
structural inequities confronting many of those from non-English speaking
background ethnic groups.
Reflecting differences to Canada in its less legalistic, more
administratively oriented political culture, the Australian policy on
multiculturalism is embodied not in an Act nor as part of a Charter of
Rights, but in the 1989 National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia.
This was clearly stated as being applicable not just to immigrants but to
all Australians, including the indigenous Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander population. The National Agenda, and its recent restatement (NMAC
1995), identified three dimensions of multiculturalism for all
Australians. These were the right to cultural identity, the right to
social justice and the need for economic efficiency which involved the
effective development and utilisation of the talents and skills of all
Australians. Balancing these rights were, however, a series of explicit
obligations which included a primary commitment to Australia; an
acceptance of the basic structures and principles of Australian society
including the Constitution and rule of law, tolerance and equality,
parliamentary democracy, freedom of speech and religion, English as the
national language and equality of the sexes; and the obligation to accept
the rights of others to express their views and values.
One distinctive Australian feature of the policy model outlined in the
1989 National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia was an emphasis on the
economic benefits which would be derived from recognising and using fully
the professional, linguistic and cultural resources of all Australians.
This extension linked individual economic opportunities to government
moves to restructure the Australian economy by using the resources of its
multicultural population to develop international trade and to develop a
more flexible and highly skilled labour force. By emphasising the economic
advantages which would accrue from the policy, government was legitimating
its claim that multiculturalism was a policy for all Australians and not
just those from minority backgrounds (26).
In Sweden, the origins of multiculturalism as a policy, differed yet
again. In contrast to Australia and Canada its national identity was not
based on a view of itself as a nation of immigrants. Nevertheless, after
the Second World War, it received numbers of refugees and, through the
free movement established in the Nordic labour market after 1954,
substantial numbers of Finnish workers. As elsewhere in Europe the needs
of the expanding economy were also met by the use of contract workers (27) from the
Mediterranean, especially Yugoslavia. Although extensive labour migration
was discontinued after the recession beginning in the early 1970's Sweden
continued to receive considerable numbers of refugees and asylum seekers.
In 1993, Sweden received almost 59,000 immigrants nearly two-thirds of
whom were refugees while one-third entered on the basis of family reunion.
Over half were from non-Nordic countries with 40 per cent being from
outside Europe (OECD 1995, p.119). In addition to these immigrants are the
asylum seekers whose numbers peaked in 1992 at 84,000 prior to the
introduction of a series of visa and administrative restrictions (OECD
1995, p.195). Individuals from ex-Yugoslavia have been a major part of
this inflow but it has also included substantial numbers from Africa, Asia
and other non-European regions which has introduced new sources of
cultural diversity into the population. Despite these extensive inflows
Sweden's 1993 foreign-born population of 869,000 (9.9 per cent) was still
substantially below those of Canada (16.2 per cent) and Australia (23.2
per cent). The Finnish were the largest overseas born group constituting
two-thirds of the 300,000 persons born in Nordic countries. Iran,
ex-Yugoslavia and Turkey are other major birthplaces of the foreign born
(OECD 1995, p.119, 209).
The Finnish minority has been seen as especially important in Sweden's
replacement of its earlier policy of assimilation by multiculturalism
(Skutnabb-Kangas 1983, p.136). Their free access to Sweden and their
ability to bring their families, including children, together with
guaranteed educational rights in the Nordic cultural treaty, gave them a
secure basis from which to demand greater cultural rights. Once such
rights were granted to them, it laid the basis for similar claims from
other immigrant groups whose families were in Sweden and who had been able
to organise to pursue such rights. A recognition of the short-comings of
the strict assimilationist policy also co-existed with Sweden's extensive
welfare system which already was involved in extensive government policy
initiatives to redress disadvantage which could be extended to the
immigrant groups.
The 1975 adoption of the Swedish policy of multiculturalism was based
on three key principles 'equality', 'freedom of choice' and 'partnership'.
Hammar (1985, p.33) has described the intent of these principles as
follows:
The goal of equality implies the continued efforts to give
immigrants the same living standards as the rest of the population. The
goal of freedom of choice implies that public initiatives are to be
taken to assure members of ethnic and linguistic minorities domiciled in
Sweden a genuine choice between retaining and developing their cultural
identity and assuming a Swedish cultural identity. The goal of
partnership implies that the different immigrant and minority
groups on the one hand and the native population on the other both
benefits from working together.
As in Australia and Canada, the policy has developed over the last two
decades. In Sweden, however, the policy is more frequently referred to as
'integration' where this is seen as being in opposition to 'assimilation'.
Even though not always referred to as a 'multiculturalism' policy, the
Swedish policy does share significant similarities with the Australian and
Canadian models. Many of these policy developments result from strategies
to address the needs of the extensive refugee population and involved
changing degrees of involvement of local communities, as in 1985 when
those throughout Sweden were asked to become involved in accommodating and
settling the refugee populations (Alund & Schierup, 1991). At the
present time the whole policy on integration is under examination as to
its ability to cope with the large population inflows at a time of major
fiscal constraint and increasing concerns about racism and
xenophobia(Castles 1995, p.301). In November 1994 the government replaced
an earlier Parliamentary Commission to review immigration and refugee
policy with two new commissions. One was to review immigration and refugee
policy while the other, due to report in the first half of 1996, was to
review integration policy. Among the issues to which special attention is
being paid in this review is the role of immigrants in the labour market,
and how their knowledge of Swedish language affects their opportunities to
work and participate in society. Housing and the range of the groups to be
covered by the policy are other issues to be examined by the review
(Sweden, Ministry of Labour, 1995 p.40).
Policy Initiatives
The most important point to make about the detailed policies and
programs which have been undertaken by these three countries which have
officially adopted multiculturalism as their model for managing cultural
diversity is that the overall effectiveness of multiculturalism as a
policy model depends not on any one program or policy initiative but on
their cumulative effect. Within that framework, certain policy directions
and initiatives are evident (28).
Language and related educational policies have been a major focus of
Australian, Canadian and Swedish policies of multiculturalism. All have
sought to develop programs which ensure that children have opportunities
to learn to a reasonable level of competence both the national language(s)
and their mother tongue. This distinguishes their policies from either the
assimilationist focus only on the national language or the
isolationist/differentialist focus on only the mother tongue
(Skutnabb-Kangas 1983, p.130). All three countries emphasise the need to
equip students to be fluent in the national language and to this end have
been to the forefront in developing teaching pedagogies and programs to
facilitate the learning of that language as a second language by adults as
well as children.
An important feature of the government support for minority language
initiatives is that they are not important solely as a means for cultural
maintenance but, also, as a way of incorporating individuals equitably
into the society. This rationale is evident in the operation in Australia
of the Translating and Interpreting Service (TIS) and the Special
Broadcasting Service (SBS). The 24 hour a day, 7 days a week Translating
and Interpreting Service (TIS) provides a nation-wide telephone service
which assists non-English speakers to receive emergency help as well as
non-emergency access to an interpreter. SBS provides regular multilingual
radio programs. In the two largest centres, Sydney and Melbourne, 63 and
59 different language programs are provided respectively (NMAC 1995, p.65)
which provide an important source of information about community and
mainstream activities and services. In addition the SBS national
television channel (which reaches 75 per cent of the population)
broadcasts international news and features in a range of languages as well
as providing a series of English language news and other programs
addressing issues pertinent to Australian cultural diversity.
Despite their commitment to religious freedom, Australia, Canada and
Sweden all have strong Christian traditions. As in other areas of cultural
diversity schools, workplaces and welfare services are now becoming aware
of the need for greater knowledge and understanding of these differences.
Responding to this need have been a range of public and privately provided
cross-cultural training programs. In addition there is increasing
employment by organisations of professional and managerial staff who are
from diverse ethnic backgrounds and thereby bring additional skills into
these organisations.
The experience which has accumulated in Australia, Canada and Sweden
shows, however, that neither special language services nor educational
courses may, in themselves, be sufficient to ensure equality in
participation and access to a range of social services. What has become
increasingly clear from a range of evaluation studies of social justice
initiatives is that there is a need to also change the way in which the
organisation (and its staff) relate to the client/patient/student/citizen.
What this cultural, and sometimes structural, change requires is a focus
not on the way the system operates but on the needs of the individual
which it is serving. The importance of such institutional change as a way
of achieving greater social justice and equity which is now emphasised in
Australia and Canada is more radical than proposals which argue for the
setting up of parallel cultural institutions. Such a thoroughgoing
reconsideration of the operation of service delivery organisations has
implications which extend beyond ethnic minorities to all users.
The nexus between employment and education and training has been one of
general concern in all three societies which have experienced historically
high levels of unemployment that have particularly affected the immigrant
and ethnic minority populations. The need to overcome inequities in
employment has been viewed as a key to avoiding the growth of structural
disadvantage among ethnic minority groups. While access to language
training and increased flexibility in recognising training and experience
gained in other countries have been important initiatives, the issues of
discrimination in employment and other areas have also needed to be
addressed. Australia and Canada have long had anti-discrimination
legislation and Sweden passed a similar law in 1994.
Access to affordable and suitable housing is a frequent concern among
ethnic minorities and to those from other groups who fear the invasion of
their neighbourhood. Australia, Canada and Sweden have been fortunate in
largely avoiding the development of dense, sub-standard and over-crowded
urban ghettos found in other parts of Europe and North America. Dense,
single ethnic group concentrations are rare although class is an important
determinant of residential patterns. The potential for housing to become a
political issue nevertheless exists as the Vancouver, Canada debate over
the 'monster' homes which Asian immigrants were accused of favouring in a
middle class suburb clearly shows (Li, 1994).
Racism, both of an institutional and an individual kind, has received
increasing attention in policy initiatives. In addition to legislative and
administrative action, there has been increasing attention paid to the
need for community relations and education strategies which target various
groups such as the police force and media. Canada, where the term 'visible
minority' officially describes one cluster of ethnic minority groups, has
devoted considerable attention to this area. Again, this area of policy
development with its focus primarily on the majority community and
institutions has been developed after initiatives designed to ensure
greater social equity. As such, it involves a recognition of the need for
complementary policy initiatives to achieve the objectives espoused in the
statements of the respective multicultural policies.
Evaluation
As the comparison of Australia, Canada and Sweden indicates,
multiculturalism as a national policy model has so far been developed in
only a small number of societies, albeit ones in which it grew out of
somewhat different historical circumstances. In all instances though, the
initial reason for the adoption of the policy was a perception that
previous models of addressing ethnic diversity were not achieving their
objectives and/or were not addressing the interests and needs of the
ethnic minority groups. While ethnic minority groups were not alone in
advocating change, the ability of minority group members to influence
political decision making was important (29). Significantly
in all three countries the policy has not been restricted to citizens but
incorporates also those described by Hammar (1990, p.15) as 'denizens'
that is foreign citizens with a legal and permanent resident status.
While the specific policy initiatives and programs developed in each
country varied, there was a significant shift from an initial focus on
programs directed to addressing concerns about cultural maintenance to
those concerned with equality and the removal of disadvantage. This shift
in emphasis indicates how those participants in the policy-making process,
including members of the ethnic minorities, are as alert to the importance
of overcoming economic and social disadvantage as a basis for improving
the status of ethnic minorities as they are to seeking to maintain a
traditional culture. It clearly suggests that ethnic minority groups may
be far more pragmatic about the importance of social equality than is
sometimes implied in the culturalist critiques of the multiculturalist
model.
Australian and Canadian statements on multiculturalism take
considerable effort to emphasise that it is a policy for 'managing' ethnic
diversity. Implicit in this is the view that its purpose is not solely to
'maintain' ethnic diversity. As an examination of the statements and
policies make plain its aim is to provide a meaningful 'choice' for
individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds so that they are neither
excluded in separatist sectors of the society nor forced to assimilate to
the mainstream society. Both strategies may marginalise individuals so
creating pre-conditions for the emergence of ethnic conflict and
violence.
Consistent with the view that the multicultural model is not concerned
solely with the maintenance of a specific culture is the emphasis, which
is most clearly stated in the Australian National Agenda, summarised
above, that the policy involves not only rights but, also, obligations to
the whole society.
One striking feature of the implementation of the multicultural model
is that the practices associated with the policy have, again in
contradiction of the critiques of multiculturalism, resulted in extremely
limited evidence of either inter-ethnic violence or conflict. Furthermore
this has occurred at a time when all three countries have experienced
major economic recessions and constraints on their finances which have
affected the State's ability to undertake a variety of social programs. In
such circumstances, the potential for identifying scapegoats among
minority groups is considerable, specially if they are perceived as having
received more than a fair share of society's resources. That racism and
discrimination have not been more marked speaks to the effectiveness of
the policy model for managing ethnic diversity. From the perspective of
members of ethnic minorities, the opportunities which have existed for
them to participate fully in society without needing to reject their
ethnic identity has clearly been a factor encouraging a high level of
commitment to the Australian, Canadian or Swedish society and State. From
the perspective of the dominant ethnic group there has clearly been a high
level of tolerance and acceptance not only of diversity but, also, of the
advantages which all members of the society can gain from it.
While the strong role of the State in all three countries has provided
important opportunities for State-initiated interventions, a critical
issue is the extent to which these initiatives have been accepted by the
majority populations. Incidences of racism and discrimination highlight
the limitations in achieving complete acceptance. The need for improved
community relations between majority and minority groups and among
minority groups are widely recognised. The removal of structural
disadvantage associated with ethnic minority status has been an important
strategy in all the societies. Complementing it has been the existence of
legislation restricting discrimination and racist violence. Community
education has also been an important strategy for overcoming potential
hostilities.
Both Canada and Australia have made extensive use of the powers of
Federal governments to influence Federal government departments and
agencies as well as state or provincial and municipal authorities to adopt
multiculturalism as a policy. While the extent to which state or
provincial authorities have adopted multicultural policies in the areas of
their own jurisdiction has varied, there is far greater uniformity in
Australia than in Canada where Quebec has seen multiculturalism as a
policy which may interfere with the special status of Quebec and the
francophone culture.
A major feature of the multicultural policy model is that the State and
government institutions have played a leading role in policy formulation
and implementation. However, if the policy is to become pervasive it also
requires the involvement of private organisations and institutions. With
the increasing reductions in government budgets and a clear pattern of
government withdrawal from service provision this involvement becomes
especially critical. In contrast to their use of funding allocations and
reporting requirements to influence other public sector organisations the
ability of Federal authorities to enforce co-operation from the private
sector is much more limited. The attempt to encourage adoption of
multiculturalism in the operation of private organisations has relied
extensively on advocating the economic advantages which may be derived
from it in terms of expanding their markets or being able to better
utilise the skills of their employees. This willingness to appeal to
economic motivation highlights the pragmatism which underlines the
implementation of the policy and the way in which it is argued of being of
benefit to all in the society, not just those from ethnic minority
backgrounds.
The ultimate test of the policies of multiculturalism is their
acceptance by the general public. In all three societies the policies have
been subject to criticism from academics and others. Common criticisms
concern perceived threats to existing social traditions and the national
culture as well as the costs associated with what are perceived to be
'special' programs. Attempts to refute such claims by reference to the way
in which special expenditure may be cost effective in the long term are
only partially effective in responding to the critics. However, evidence
from public opinion polls in both Canada and Australia suggests that in
general there is considerable support for multiculturalism (see Box 4). Perhaps more
significantly for the future of the policy is the extent to which in
elections there is public support for political parties supportive of
programs associated with the policy. While anti-immigration candidates
have achieved some success in recent elections in Australia, the far more
significant outcome of recent election experiences is that both major
political parties now appreciate that multicultural programs have
considerable appeal to voters.
The adoption of multicultural policy models was initially inspired by a
desire to address the issue of how to integrate immigrant ethnic
minorities. Even where, as in Australia, the concern to extend the policy
to apply to all Australians explicitly included the indigenous population,
the relationship of multiculturalism to both indigenous groups or a
long-established group such as the Francophone Quebecois remains highly
problematic. Such groups see dangers in a policy which they fear may
reduce their own status to that of simply being one of many ethnic
minorities. They also fear that their specific needs, often associated
with land and identity with a particular territory, may be overlooked.
In all three countries, indigenous groups have a unique
legal-administrative status with associated entitlements. Australia has
gone furthest in seeking to include Aborigines and Torres Strait Islander
groups within the policy of multiculturalism but this has only been done
while retaining an extensive set of distinct policies and programs for the
indigenous population. While Australian indigenous groups do not appear to
share the extensive hostility to 'multiculturalism' which is evident among
New Zealand Maoris, the issue of their relation to non-Aboriginal society
is a sensitive one and the existing policy of multiculturalism clearly
would not be seen by them as an adequate way of addressing their situation
and needs.
The near success of the 1995 Quebec referendum which would have
authorised the provincial government to negotiate secession from Canada is
evidence of the strength of separatist feeling which exists in that
Province. However, the roots of this separatism lie more in long held
concerns about the relationship between French and British Charter groups
than they do with the policy of multiculturalism as such. Indeed, under
Canada's Federal system Quebec has been able to develop its own policy on
'interculturalism' in such a way as not to limit the special position of
Quebec Francophone culture (Leman 1995).
As a dynamic policy model the future development of multi- culturalism
in these three States is clearly an important issue. As indicated above
there are indications that Sweden is in fact reconsidering its commitment
to the policy model which developed within the context of that country's
highly developed state welfare system unlike Australia and Canada where
the policy has had a higher, more independent profile. The financial costs
of any interventionist policy are clearly a matter of considerable debate
at a time of economic recession and Canada's current review of the policy
must be seen against this background. Even entrenched and strongly
institutionalised policies may find it difficult to withstand attack.
Despite concerns for the future of multiculturalism as a policy model in
Australia and Canada a recent assessment suggested that their continuation
was likely (Dorais, Foster & Stockley 1994, p.394).
Both nations are currently re examining their national identity and
their national integrity and multicultural policies will inevitably be
affected by these reviews. In Canada, the prime question is how Quebec's
regional ethno-nationalist aspirations may be accommodated. For Australia,
the task is less immediately challenging and revolves around
government-led initiatives to further reduce its links with Britain
through becoming a republic. Clearly, the extensive multicultural
character of Australian society makes this a project which enjoys much
public support although there are many questions remaining about how this
diversity will be encompassed and symbolised in the new identity. The
replacement in March 1996 of the thirteen year old Federal Labour
Government by a conservative Liberal-National Party coalition Government
has already seen the issue of the move to a republic placed lower on the
list of government policy priorities. Less obvious is the new Government's
attitude to a range of programs associated with multiculturalism, although
it is already evident that in the Government's move to cut its expenditure
by US$ 6.3 billion in 3 years, no areas of policy will be protected from
large-scale cuts.
The Broader Applicability of Multiculturalism as a
Policy ResponseAs the end of the twentieth century approaches, there
is an urgent need to find durable policy models for managing multi-ethnic
societies so as to obviate ethnic conflict and violence in a manner
acceptable within a democratic society. The political instability,
economic changes and ever-increasing levels of international migration
which have contributed to the increasing range and extent of inter-ethnic
contacts show little sign of abating. Even were they to do so, the new
ethnic diversity which they have introduced into States will not disappear
overnight.
The sense of concern is evident in a recent OECD publication (OECD
1995, p.46) which posed the question: "Integration problems: a failure of
integration models or a reflection of economic crisis?" In fact, the
choice is false. Clearly high levels of unemployment and strains in the
welfare system are contributing to ethnic conflict in many European and
other industrial societies. But as we have just seen they are not the only
factors increasing diversity and introducing tensions.
There is also a sense that existing policy models are failing. The
assimilationist model is being questioned as it becomes increasingly
evident that assimilation is not occurring as intended and that, indeed,
there is a growing sense of alienation among many of those from ethnic
minority backgrounds. At the extreme, this is associated with a retreat
into a fundamentalist reassertion of a culturally-based distinctiveness. A
further concern with the assimilation model is that the growing levels of
international mobility question one of the key premises of the model. This
is that after arrival in a new society the individual will locate there
permanently. Increasingly we know that this does not happen in the
short-term, or even the longer-term. From an individual perspective
assimilation hence increasingly represents an un- realistic model even in
those 'immigrant' societies which have used immigration as a means of
nation-building. Where States have resorted to differentialist models as a
way of managing ethnic diversity the difficulties of ensuring a 'separate
but equal' outcome for ethnic minorities are all too evident. Failure to
approach this objective generates increasingly pressing demands for social
justice often associated with a strengthening of minority group
solidarity.
Does Multiculturalism Provide a Viable
Alternative?
The experiences of those limited number of States which have explicitly
espoused multiculturalism as a policy response to ethnic diversity have
indicated that while the policy is certainly contested it has,
nevertheless, shown considerable durability. Contrary to many of its
critics, where it has been adopted as official State policy it is not
necessarily associated with a widening and deepening of the divide between
ethnic groups. However where, as in the United States, there is no such
policy at a national level and multiculturalism is advocated by ethnic
minority groups and their supporters as an oppositional policy, then it
should not be surprising that many of the policies they propose reflect
the existence of a deep divide between ethnic groups. That this is so
should not be blamed on multiculturalism. Rather, it reflects how the
existence of assimilation as the dominant ideological-normative model,
even when supplemented by programmatic-political models which have sought
to redress social disadvantage and inequality, has only been partially
successful. In a society such as the United States where the scope for
extensive State intervention is limited by a strong tradition of
individualism and a focus on societal regulatory mechanisms, including
those of the market, mechanisms for alleviating deeply entrenched social
disadvantage and injustice are limited.
The application of any policy model will obviously be affected by the
characteristics of the society in which it operates as is evident in the
comparison of Australia, Canada and Sweden. While it is true that Sweden
may be retreating from multiculturalism as an explicit policy of
integration, its adoption by Sweden indicates that its utility was not
confined only to States which have been built on extensive settler
immigration. The attraction of multiculturalism for all three States was
its perceived ability to address policy issues associated with immigrant
minority groups in a way that was consistent with their democratic
ideals.
Given the significance of immigrant minority groups in many
multi-ethnic societies, multiculturalism has considerable potential as an
alternative policy model. By comparison with the assimilationist and
differentialist models it does, however, require and benefit from a much
more interventionist role by the State, especially in the early phases
when the struggle for legitimacy and resources are greatest. Such a
tradition of State involvement and active engagement in policy making and
implementation is, however, compatible with the political traditions in
many European nations as well as in many States in Asia and other regions
of the world.
The adoption of multiculturalism as the replacement for an existing
national model of integration involves difficulties. The financial
constraints on State expenditure and the high levels of unemployment which
have already exacerbated existing inter-ethnic relations cannot be
ignored. There is also the need to identify the specific strategies to be
followed in implementing the policy. As the case studies showed, a feature
of the multicultural model is that, as a model which involves ultimately
institutional and personal change, the strategies appropriate and feasible
vary from one stage of implementation to the next. Hence, evaluation of
the policy should ideally take a long term perspective. Such a luxury may
not be possible in the present situation where policy makers seek urgent
solutions.
Yet, the difficulties are not perhaps insuperable nor the task so
daunting as may at first appear. Many European countries in their current
attempts to facilitate integration have already in place many programs and
strategies which are compatible with a multicultural policy model.
Acceptance of dual citizenship and moves towards ius solis are two
examples where apparently strong legal barriers to less discriminatory
treatment of ethnic minorities are weakening. The fact that the Council of
Europe has a Convention on the Participation of Foreigners in Public Life
at Local Level is a further indication that many relevant issues have
already received considerable attention. The various forums and agencies
associated with the European Union and the Council of Europe have been
extremely active in not only identifying issues but examining and
evaluating a variety of programs and solutions (e.g. Baubock 1995; Council
of Europe 1994; European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and
Working Conditions 1994). There is thus already in place in Europe an
important set of knowledge concerning possible strategies and programs.
The challenge in adopting a multicultural policy model thus lies in the
way these programs are utilised.
The point was made in the context of the case studies that
multiculturalism does not consist of one specific type of program or
strategy. Instead, its effectiveness depends on the cumulative effect of
various strategies which together ensure that cultural diversity is
encouraged at the same time that its connection with disadvantage is
severed and becomes seen by the entire population as a positive
contribution to society, rather than merely something to be tolerated.
This is not to imply that toleration in some circumstances represents an
advance on existing community attitudes. Rather it is to emphasise that
the important contribution of a multicultural model lies not merely in the
way it involves specific programs and practices. Instead, its significance
is that it enjoins a re-conceptualisation of how to manage integration by
replacing the often paternalistic provision of services to minorities by a
more participatory and consultative process. Such a shift represents a
major advance in the democratic process in multi-ethnic societies.
Despite the way in which many of the existing ideological-normative
models are already being bypassed in the search for programmatic-political
policies to address integration, some States may feel that overt support
for a multicultural model would be politically unacceptable. Experience
has shown that this, while it deprives many local programs of legitimacy
and resources, need not preclude the development at a lower policy level
of programs with objectives compatible with a multicultural model. While
such programs face difficulties in becoming institutionalised, their
existence is valuable as a model for others involved in policy development
and implementation.
In societies where sub-national regions have a considerable role in
policy-making and implementation, multicultural initiatives at this level
are of particular significance. Especially where minorities are
concentrated in certain regions, local initiatives are extremely valuable
as examples of what can be achieved through an explicitly multicultural
policy. The case of Frankfurt, which in 1989 established an Office for
Multicultural Affairs to mediate between migrants and the municipal
bureaucracy and to reduce conflict at the source before it has a chance to
escalate, shows that the potential for change exists even in societies
seen to be far from supportive of policies of multiculturalism (Friedmann,
1995; Friedmann & Lehrer, forthcoming). Although susceptible to
changes in political control and the departure of key figures such cases
provide further support for questioning the validity of the negative
predictions by the critics of multiculturalism.
Given the strong hostilities which have been aroused to
multiculturalism by the often rabid reactions to those seeking greater
acknowledgement of the rights of cultural and ethnic minorities, policy
makers may feel that another less contentious term would be desirable. The
lack of specificity of a term such as 'integration', which is no doubt the
reason for its popularity, is clearly inadequate for the task. Whatever
word is chosen as an alternative to multiculturalism it is critical that
it should clearly indicate that diversity is not merely tolerated but
welcomed as a benefit for the whole society. It is precisely this
acknowledgement that gives the term multiculturalism its power and
efficacy to bring together majority and minority ethnic groups.
How Widely Applicable is Multiculturalism as a
Policy Model?
So far this discussion has considered the relevance of multiculturalism
as a policy model involving immigrant ethnic minority groups and
predominantly in Europe. The growing importance of immigration elsewhere
in the world raises the possibility of the model being applied in other
regions. Certainly in many countries the existence of a strong State may
be compatible with the introduction of multiculturalism but the term
itself has so far gained little currency outside the Western
industrialised countries. Many States have policies to manage ethnic
diversity which resemble the differentialist or, less frequently, the
assimilationist model. To the extent that problems of managing ethnic
diversity have not yet engendered the soul-searching now evident in the
industrial countries there may be as yet little willingness to consider
the potential utility of a multi-culturalist model. This should not be
seen though as necessarily indicating the inappropriateness of the model.
Nevertheless, the adoption of multiculturalism as a model would involve
considerable institutional change, not least where States have only
partially adopted a commitment to democratic processes.
The policy situation where doubt does exist concerning the utility of
the multiculturalist model is where the ethnic minority group involved is
what Kymlicka has termed a 'national minority' that is a previously
self-governing, territorially concentrated culture. Clear examples are
many indigenous populations, or those groups previously associated in
federations such as ex-Yugoslavia or the former USSR. In contrast to
'ethnic groups' he argues that these national minorities typically wish
to maintain themselves as distinct societies alongside the majority
culture, and demand various forms of autonomy or self-government to ensure
their survival as distinct entities (1995 p.10). As we know from the
case studies, the situation of such groups has largely been attended to
outside the policy framework of multiculturalism. Whether this is
inevitable, or always appropriate, may need to be left as an open question
not least because many individuals with links to these national minorities
live outside the home territories among the rest of society and other
ethnic minorities. For these individuals multiculturalism may constitutes
an attractive policy model.
Ultimately, however, it is necessary to acknowledge that there are
limits as to what a multiculturalist model can be expected to achieve. In
situations characterised by extended and violent conflict any attempt at
reconciliation will inevitably be problematic. Similarly where there is a
long history of inter ethnic hostility and a failure of alternative policy
models to result in integration, the task facing a multiculturalist model
in seeking to 'turn around' the existing situation is immense. While the
absence of an alternative may recommend a multicultural policy, the
expectations attached to its adoption should be realistic and acknowledge
the difficulty of the task involved and the issues to be worked through.
That said, a commitment to diversity carries a powerful positive message
to minority groups which can counter their perceived need to argue in
terms of broad ambit claims or to retreat into a fundamentalist isolation
and resistance to integration.
ConclusionThe transformation of
multi-ethnic, demographically multicultural societies has created a major
challenge for policy makers seeking to manage ethnic diversity without
exacerbating violence and conflict and in a manner beneficial to all. This
paper has examined the potential of multiculturalism as a policy model. In
so doing it has sought to complement existing philosophical discussions
(e.g. Kymlicka 1995; Taylor 1994) by shifting the focus to actual policy
decision-making and implementation. Contrary to commonly expressed fears,
it has been argued that an examination of States which have adopted the
model fails to justify concerns that its long term effects are to heighten
ethnic divisions and tensions. This is because when combined, as it is in
the case studies, with a strong emphasis on policies of social justice, it
removes much of the bases for resistance among ethnic minority groups. The
focus on social justice also counters criticisms that multiculturalism
simply serves to continue the exploited, powerlessness of these minority
groups.
It may be argued that this is because such societies are not, in fact,
really applying multicultural policies. Such a criticism overlooks the
actual stated commitment to do so. It also overlooks the reality of the
policy-making process which requires considerable translation in the move
from abstract policy models to decision-making and then implementation. In
this process of translation, the uniqueness of each State's historical
context cannot be overlooked. The institutions, the nature of diversity,
the role of governments in formulation of policies as well as the scope
for inputs by relevant stake-holders all play a part in the decision
making process as well as in the implementation of specific programs and
strategies. Additional indeterminacy is related to the need for such
policies to be implemented by individuals whose own actions can affect the
policy outcomes.
A final feature of the multicultural model is its ability to address
issues democratically. In so doing it counters the often pessimistic
assertion that the democratic majority is inherently opposed to the rights
of minority groups. The task for those using multiculturalism as a policy
model to achieve such consensus on the value of diversity is considerable.
It need not be unobtainable. It does require a struggle against social
inequalities and exclusion within a democratic polity.
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Notes1. (I am necessarily a
man... and I am French only by chance.) The antinomic stance is the one
formulated by the 19th century conservative thinker Joseph de Maistre
(1980): "Il n'y a point d'hommes dans le monde. J'ai vu dans ma vie des
Français, des Italiens, des Russes, etc...; mais quant à l'homme je
déclare ne l'avoir rencontré de ma vie..." (There aren't men in the
world. I've seen in my life French, Italians, Russians, etc...; as regards
the man, however, I declare not having met him throughout my
lifetime...)
2. These projects are: - New migrations and
growing ethno-cultural diversity in the Asia-Pacific region; -
Research and monitoring of ethnicity and conflict in post-Soviet States;
- Multicultural and multi-ethnic societies: terminological and
conceptual clarification; - Comparative studies, monitoring and
evaluation of ethnic conflict and socio-cultural change in Africa; -
Multicultural policies and modes of citizenship in European cities.
3. The following contributions were prepared: -
Michael Banton, "Multi-cultural and Multi-ethnic Societies" (unpublished);
- Christine Inglis, "Multi-culturalism: its Significance, Operation
and Future with Special Significance to the Asia-Pacific Region"
(unpublished); - Atieno Odhiambo, "African Perspectives on Cultural
Diversity and Multiculturalism" (unpublished); - William Safran,
"Cultural Pluralism and Multiculturalism: Problems, Prospects and
Solutions (unpublished); - Garcia Canclini, "The Future of
Multi-cultural Societies" (unpublished); - Stephen Castles provided
many thoughtful comments and suggestions.
4. Ethnic groups are treated in this paper as
socially constructed categories which refer to social groupings with a
shared sense of peoplehood based on national identity, language, religion,
physical characteristics or a combination of these attributes. The
inclusion of racial groups as a subset of ethnic groups reflects the way
attributions of differences in physical appearance, and its social
significance, tends to be highly problematic across societies.
Furthermore, the terminology of 'racism' is no longer restricted in common
usage to groups which are necessarily distinguishable on the basis of
physical characteristics.
5. 'Multi-ethnic' societies refers to those societies
which contain multiple ethnic groups. 'Multi-cultural' also refers to the
same type of societies. While it is sometimes used in an extended sense to
refer to the cultural differences associated with a variety of alternative
life-styles not linked to ethnicity but to gender or sexual preferences
this is not a primary usage nor is it followed in this paper (cf also
Kymlicka 1995, p.18)
6. In Multicultural Citizenship, Kymlicka
(1995) undertakes the task of developing a liberal theory of minority
rights as a basis for addressing the needs of ethnic and national
minorities.
7. The MOST program is supporting a project on
'Multicultural and multi-ethnic societies: terminological and conceptual
clarification' which will examine the complexities in greater depth.
8. The original statement of the thesis was contained
in Foreign Affairs, vol 72 n°3 1993. The next issue, Foreign
Affairs, vol 72 no.4 1993 contains the first of many critical
discussions.
9. An eloquent outline of the changing theoretical
accounts is contained in Alain Touraine, 1992 (translated 1995)
10. The link between multiculturalism and
oppositional policies and politics is explicit in Charles Taylor, et al.
(1994).
11. He pointed to the potential of what he termed
"plural societies" to breakup in the face of bitter ethnic rivalries once
the stabilising influence of the colonial power was removed (Furnivall
1939; 1948).
12. Sassen's work on the emergence of global cities
is an example of a critique which points to a declining significance for
the State associated with these global cities taking a leading role in the
development of international finance. (1991; 1994)
13. Detailed discussion of the changes in
international population movements are beyond the scope of this paper
where the primary focus is on their implications for ethnic relations.
However, recent accounts of these movements can be found in Appleyard
(1991) Castles & Miller (1993), Kritz, Lim & Zlotnik (1992), Stahl
et al (1993) and Stalker (1994).
14. The 1951 United Nations Convention and its 1967
Protocol define as a refugee 'any person who...owing to well-founded fear
of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership
of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country
of his nationality and is unable or...unwilling to avail himself of the
protection of that country'
15. This international system is, however, under
considerable strain because of the increasing numbers of refugees and,
especially, concerns about the adequacy of the restricted Convention
definition of refugee which is applied to those seeking asylum. In October
1995 the un High Commissioner for Refugees, Ms Sadako Ogata, told a
conference that the un asylum apparatus was threatened with collapse.
Besides the expanding scope of the UNHCR's activities she also identified
as a major difficulty the decreasing willingness of host nations to
accommodate refugees seeking asylum.
16. For many observers they thus are viewed as
little different to the illegal immigrants who exist without legal
permission in many countries, and in often large numbers. Their illegal
and undocumented status ensures that estimates of their numbers are often
unsatisfactory.
17. The Dublin Convention which set up procedures
for handling asylum applications and the Schengen Treaty which commenced
operation in 1995 are examples of such initiatives.
18. A more positive strategy is that designed to
assist in the economic development of major source regions in Eastern
Europe, Africa, Latin America and Asia thereby limiting the economic
factors which may encourage individuals to emigrate. However, as the
Report of the US Presidential Commission for the Study of International
Migration and Cooperative Economic Development concluded in 1990 this is a
very long term strategy and its immediate effects may actually be to
encourage flows of emigrants (United States, 1990 p.xiv).
19. A similar pattern of permanent immigration but
one for which detailed statistics are not available involves nationals of
member States of the European Union who can now move freely within the
European Union.
20. Much Mexican immigration to the USA has been
illegal but with the 1986 Immigration and Reform Control Act provisions
were created which allowed many long resident Mexicans to gain legal
residency. This has accounted for the very large numbers of Mexicans
appearing in recent US immigration statistics which include these
legalisations.
21. The ability of ethnic minorities to participate
in this process varies considerably depending on the extent to which they
enjoy full citizenship rights. However, even where groups may not
participate directly in the process, their views may be represented by
intermediaries and support groups.
22. The importance of complementing legal
citizenship by a broader concept of social citizenship was identified by
Marshall (1964) in his discussion of the evolution of citizenship from a
concept emphasising duties to a focus on right where he argued that social
citizenship played a crucial role in the attainment of equality.
23. Such a set of ideal types can always be expanded
into a more complex taxonomy. Indeed, as discussed below, fitting a
specific society into one of these models may present challenges,
especially where the state policy is ambiguous or where the state plays a
limited role in determining domestic policy.
24. This section draws on material from
Multiculturalism: A Policy Response to Diversity, MOST, UNESCO 1995
pp.1-2.
25. Much longer established are other pluralist
models which however are based on different assumptions to the
multicultural model. The 'plural society' model described by Furnivall is
typical of colonial societies where cohesion and lack of ethnic conflict
was dependent on the operation of the market place buttressed ultimately
by the force which could be brought to bear by the colonial
administration. It is thus closer in form to the differentialist model
than the multiculturalist model where there is a consensual commitment to
the national benefits of pluralism rather than an enforcement of it by the
State.
26. Through this focus the Australian policy showed
that ethnic minority members of the society, instead of merely having the
potential to produce socially disruptive conflict, had the capacity to
contribute to the society's ability to gain (economic) advantage from
encounters with business people, tourists, students and others who were
encountered in the pursuit of economic interests. In doing this it brought
together both the negative and the positive dimensions of the renewed
focus on ethnicity which were identified at the beginning of this paper.
27. More details are contained in Alund and Schierup
1991, 1993.
28. More information on programs can be found in the
Annual Reports of government agencies and evaluation studies of particular
programs and areas. Box
3 summarises some recent Australian initiatives as an example of the
diversity of the programs involved in a policy of multiculturalism.
29. Sweden in 1976 extended voting rights in local
elections to foreign nationals and all three countries have adopted
extensive programs of consultation with representatives of ethnic
groupings.
Box 1Major Instruments of the United Nations
System on Non-Discrimination, Rights of Minorities and the Rights of
Indigenous People
Universal Declaration on Human Rights International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights Optional Protocol to the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights Vienna Declaration and Program of Action
United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination International Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Racial Discrimination Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide International Convention on the
Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid International
Convention against Apartheid in Sports Discrimination (Employment and
Occupation:) Convention Convention against Discrimination in Education
Protocol Instituting a Conciliation and Good Offices Commission to be
responsible for seeking a settlement of any disputes which may arise
between States Parties to the Convention against Discrimination in
Education Equal Remuneration Convention Declaration on the
Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on
Religion or Belief Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice
Declaration on Fundamental Principles concerning the Contribution to
the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International Understanding, to
the Promotion of Human Rights and to countering Racialism, Apartheid and
Incitement to War Declaration on the Principles of International
Cultural Co-operation Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging
to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities
Framework Convention for the Protection of national Minorities
Convention (N°169) concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in
Independent Countries Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
People Declaration on the Human Rights of Individuals Who are not
Nationals of the Country in which they Live International Convention
on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of
Their Families Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence Against Women Declaration on the Rights of Mentally Retarded
Persons Principles for the Protection of Persons with Mental Illness
and the Improvement of Mental Health Care Convention on the Rights of
the Child
Source: UNESCO, Human Rights: Major International Instruments,
Status as at 31 May 1996 (prepared by J. Symonides, V. Volodine and
S.Rivet)
Box 2Selected Policy Issues
Ethnic Minority Languages
- Freedom to use the language - The teaching of the ethnic
language and its use as a medium of instruction in schools - The
existence of radio, television and print media in the ethnic language.
- The use of the ethnic minority language in other institutional
areas including health, welfare services, and the legal system - The
availability of interpreters and the provision of information in
translation in the ethnic minority language National Language
- Access to instruction in the national language for children and
adults Religion
- Freedom of worship and ability to observe religious rituals and
practices - Institutional structures which are compatible with a
religion's tenets e.g. in the legal system, education
Legal Status
- Situation of non-citizen residents - Access to nationality of
the country of permanent residence - Availability of dual
nationality - Existence of a special status for ethnic minority
group - Freedom of association among ethnic group members and the
right to form their own social organisations - Freedom of cultural
expression Education
- Equality in educational attainment - Curriculum which
incorporates the perspectives and experiences of ethnic minority
students Employment
- Access to employment without discrimination - Recognition of
existing qualifications and experience - Access to training
opportunities Health & Welfare Services
- Access to information on the operation of the health and welfare
system - The delivery of these services in a way which takes account
of the ethnic minority's cultural patterns Housing
- Access to appropriate housing without discrimination
Racism/Discrimination
- An absence of racism - An absence of discriminatory practices
National Identity
- The place of the ethnic minority in the national identity
Political Representation & Autonomy
- Involvement of ethnic minority group in policy making - The
opportunity for the minority to take responsibility for making decisions
relevant to its concerns
Box 3Australian Multicultural Policy
Initiatives
An indication of the breadth of focus of the Australian policy of
multiculturalism is contained in the 1995 Review of the progress achieved
in implementing the 1989 National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia
(National Multicultural Advisory Council, 1995 vol.2). Listed below are
the key areas examined in the Review of Federal government initiatives
with select examples of specific programs and initiatives.
Participation
- Participation in Policy Making Institutions - Participation in
the Judiciary, Police Force and Defence Force - Participation in
Senior Management and Unions - Participation in the Arts, Media and
Sport - Citizenship
Affirmative action measures were not proposed as a means of increasing
participation. Among initiatives to increase representation on advisory
bodies was the establishment of a Register containing the names and
qualifications of people from indigenous and non-English speaking
backgrounds interested in appointment to such bodies.
Basic Rights
- Multiculturalism and the Law - Administrative Review
Procedures - Use of Interpreters - Access to Justice -
Racial Discrimination
A review was undertaken by the Australian Law Reform Commission on the
appropriateness of Australian contract, criminal and family law for a
society made up of people from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds.
Recommendations for change included amendments to existing legislation,
enhanced community education, improved access and use of interpreters
throughout the legal system and improved cross-cultural sensitivity
training for people working in the legal system.
Social Justice
- Access and Equity - Community Services and Health - Local
Government Development Program - Migrant Access Projects Scheme
- Consumer Education - Women
The Commonwealth Government's Strategy to improve access to and equity
in the delivery of government services included extending the scope of the
Strategy from only immigrants to include all those who may face barriers
of race, culture, or language including indigenes and second generation
Australians of non-English speaking background. Priority was given to
health and community services and involved the development of awareness
campaigns and the monitoring of participation by target groups as a basis
for identifying where there was a need to improve the delivery of services
to under-represented groups.
Human Resources
- Recognition of Overseas Qualifications - Employment Services
- Productive Diversity - Training Reform - Industrial
Relations
The provision of free bridging courses with financial allowances to
participants to assist overseas trained professionals to undertake the
additional study necessary to facilitate re-entry to the profession in
Australia. Grants to unions for the employment of ethnic liaison
officers and specific projects to increase the effective participation of
migrant workers in the workplace and unions.
Language and Communication
- Opportunities for Learning English - Opportunities for
Learning Languages Other than English - Use of Language Skills in
the Australian Public Service - Education for Cross-cultural
Understanding
The provision of a range of English as a Second Language programs for
school children and adults, including new arrivals and job seekers and
funding for workplace English programs. Funding to support languages
other than English classes both in primary and secondary schools as well
as in classes held outside normal school hours by ethnic organisations. In
addition to multicultural education policies in individual Australian
states, the 1994 national curriculum framework included promotion of
cultural education, cultural diversity and multiculturalism as
cross-curriculum perspectives in all areas, but especially in the arts and
studies of society and the environment. Funding was provided for
curriculum reform in the training of professionals in higher education to
prepare them for working in a multicultural society.
Community Relations
- Multicultural Legislation - Community Attitudes Towards
Multiculturalism - Community Relations - Media and Communication
Services - Collecting Institutions - Policies for the Arts
The establishment of the Special Broadcasting Service to provide
television and radio services in a wide range of community languages
Box 4Public Opinion on Multiculturalism in
Australia and Canada
A recent comparative survey of Australian and Canadian public opinion
concluded that in both countries there had been a hardening of attitudes
against immigrants, with Australian data especially indicating that in the
early 1990's there was a hostility to high levels of immigration (Holton
& Lanphier, 1994, p.130). This hardening of attitudes has coincided
with a prolonged economic recession in both countries.
How this hardening of attitudes towards immigration affects individuals
attitudes towards multiculturalism is difficult to asses, in part because
surveys of attitudes towards multiculturalism yield sometimes inconsistent
results (Goot, 1993; Holton & Lanphier, 1994, p.145).
In Canada, a 1991 national survey for the government found that 61 per
cent of the sample supported multi- culturalism, with support strongest
among the young, the better educated and women. However, only 43 per cent
believed that minorities should preserve their cultural heritage. While 79
per cent of respondents felt that multi-culturalism was essential to
uniting Canada, in practice, only 47 per cent believed that it would, in
fact, help unite Canada. While there were a range of negative assessments
of multiculturalism's impact, these were apparently less strongly held
than more positive assessments as can be seen in the following summary of
multicuturalism's effects (as reported in Holton & Lanphier, 1994,
pp.145-6):
|
% |
It will 'enrich' Canada |
62 |
It will provide greater equality |
55 |
It gives all cultural groups a sense of belonging |
55 |
It promotes foreign trade |
48 |
Some groups will ultimately gain more than others |
27 |
There will be increased conflict |
23 |
The changes brought about will be too rapid |
14 |
It will eliminate the 'Canadian' way of life |
12 |
That a somewhat similar pattern of diverse views exists in Australia
towards the effects of multiculturalism is evident from a major survey
undertaken in 1988 (as reported in Goot, 1993, p.238):
Multiculturalism |
% |
Promotes a fair go for all members of the community |
62 |
Is necessary if people from different countries are to live
in harmony |
77 |
Helps tourism and trade with other countries |
85 |
Provides a greater variety of food, music and dance |
93 |
Is a fact of life in Australia today |
95 |
Is the basis of Australia's immigration policy |
82 |
Deprives Australians of jobs |
44 |
Means that migrants get too much help from the government |
51 |
Undermines loyalty to Australia |
43 |
Creates suburbs with high concentrations of ethnic groups |
87 |
Although there is a consistently higher number of those who are pro,
rather than anti, multiculturalism, on these measures the largest number
of individuals lay in between either extreme (Goot, 1993, p.240).Those
born in Asia and Europe were more supportive of multiculturalism than
those born in Australia or the United Kingdom while support was strongest
among those aged 20 to 39 (Goot, 1993, p.240).
A smaller, more recent survey suggests that there may not be so much
difference between the Australian and over seas born, although it does not
distinguish between those born in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. The
June 1994 survey of 1000 persons throughout Australia (Irving Saulwick
& Associates, 1994) indicated that:
- about two-thirds of both groups thought that 'Australia is a better
place to live now that people from so many countries live here'.
- about 60 per cent of both groups thought that 'migrants should learn
to live and behave like the majority of Australians do'. A similar
proportion also agreed 'that if people from a particular ethnic background
want to mix mainly with themselves, they should not be criticised for
doing so' although the overseas born were slightly less likely to support
this position than the Australian born.
- three quarters considered that Australia was a tolerant society
although the overseas born were slightly more likely to do so than the
Australian born.
In this more recent survey, as in the Canadian survey, women, young
people and the better educated tended to have more liberal views.
About the authorChristine Inglis, Director of
the Multicultural Research Centre of the University of Sydney, has a
long-standing interest in ethnic relations and migrations, especially in
the Asia-Pacific region. The role of economic and educational institutions
and the part played by public policies is a particular focus of her
research. She is the President of the International Sociological
Association's Research Committee on Ethnic, Race and Minority Relations,
and her recent publications include Making Something of Myself...
Educational Attainment and Social and Economic Mobility of
Turkish-Australian Young People, 1992, Asians in Australia: The Dynamics
of Migration and Settlement, 1992, Global Population Movements and their
Implications for Australia, 1993 and Teachers in the Sun: The Impact of
Immigrant Teachers on the Labour Force, 1994.
For more information, see also: Multiculturalism: A Policy
Response to Diversity, Paper prepared on the occasion of the "1995
Global Cultural Diversity Conference", 26-28 April 1995, and the "MOST
Pacific Sub-Regional Consultation", 28-29 April 1995, both in Sydney,
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